Os presos políticos católicos norte-irlandeses terminaram uma greve de fome há 41 anos...

  

The 1981 Irish hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during The Troubles by Irish republican prisoners in Northern Ireland. The protest began as the blanket protest in 1976, when the British government withdrew Special Category Status for convicted paramilitary prisoners. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out", the dispute escalated into the dirty protest, where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement. In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike, which ended after 53 days.

The second hunger strike took place in 1981 and was a showdown between the prisoners and the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. One hunger striker, Bobby Sands, was elected as a Member of Parliament during the strike, prompting media interest from around the world. The strike was called off after ten prisoners had starved themselves to death—including Sands, whose funeral was attended by 100,000 people. The strike radicalised nationalist politics, and was the driving force that enabled Sinn Féin to become a mainstream political party.

(...)

The second hunger strike began on 1 March, when Bobby Sands, the IRA's former Officer Commanding (OC) in the prison, refused food. Unlike the first strike, the prisoners joined one at a time and at staggered intervals, which they believed would arouse maximum public support and exert maximum pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
The republican movement initially struggled to generate public support for the second hunger strike. The Sunday before Sands began his strike, 3,500 people marched through west Belfast; during the first hunger strike four months earlier the marchers had numbered 10,000. Five days into the strike, however, Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Frank Maguire died, resulting in a by-election. There was debate among nationalists and republicans regarding who should contest the election: Austin Currie of the Social Democratic and Labour Party expressed an interest, as did Bernadette McAliskey and Maguire's brother Noel. After negotiations, and implied threats to Noel Maguire, they agreed not to split the nationalist vote by contesting the election and Sands stood as an Anti H-Block candidate against Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West. Following a high-profile campaign the election took place on 9 April, and Sands was elected to the British House of Commons with 30,492 votes to West's 29,046.
Sands' election victory raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated "We are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime is crime is crime, it is not political". The world's media descended on Belfast, and several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end to the hunger strike, including Síle de Valera, granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, Pope John Paul II's personal envoy John Magee, and European Commission of Human Rights officials. With Sands close to death, the government's position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating "If Mr. Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide, that was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him".
On 5 May, Sands died in the prison hospital on the sixty-sixth day of his hunger strike, prompting rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. Humphrey Atkins issued a statement saying that Sands had committed suicide "under the instructions of those who felt it useful to their cause that he should die". Over 100,000 people lined the route of his funeral, which was conducted with full IRA military honours. Margaret Thatcher showed no regret for his death, telling the House of Commons that, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".

   

Memorial mural along Falls Road, Belfast

Participants who died on hunger strike

Over the summer of 1981, ten hunger strikers had died. Their names, paramilitary affiliation, dates of death, and length of hunger strike are as follows:

Name	Paramilitary affiliation	Strike started	Date of death	Length of strike	Reason for imprisonment
Bobby Sands	IRA	1 March	5 May	66 days	Possession of a handgun
Francis Hughes	IRA	15 March	12 May	59 days	Various offences, including the murder of a soldier
Raymond McCreesh	IRA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Attempted murder, possession of a rifle, IRA membership
Patsy O’Hara	INLA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Possession of a hand grenade
Joe McDonnell	IRA	8 May	8 July	61 days	Possession of a firearm
Martin Hurson	IRA	28 May	13 July	46 days	Attempted murder, involvement in explosions, IRA membership
Kevin Lynch	INLA	23 May	1 August	71 days	Stealing shotguns, taking part in a punishment shooting
Kieran Doherty	IRA	22 May	2 August	73 days	Possession of firearms and explosives, hijacking
Thomas McElwee	IRA	8 June	8 August	62 days	Manslaughter
Michael Devine	INLA	22 June	20 August	60 days	Theft and possession of firearms

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Van Morrison - 77 anos

      

Sir George Ivan Morrison (Belfast, 31 August 1945), known professionally as Van Morrison, is a Northern Irish singer-songwriter and multi-instrumentalist whose recording career spans six decades. He has won two Grammy Awards.

  

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Liam Neeson faz hoje setenta anos...!

     

Liam John Neeson (Ballymena, 7 de junho de 1952) é um ator britânico nascido na Irlanda do Norte. Ficou bastante conhecido principalmente pelo papel de Oskar Schindler no filme Schindler's List (A Lista de Schindler), ao lado do diretor Steven Spielberg. Foi nomeado para o Óscar de Melhor Ator por A Lista de Schindler, mas perdeu para Tom Hanks, em Filadélfia.

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Bobby Sands morreu há quarenta e um anos...

   

Robert Gerard "Bobby" Sands (Irish: Roibeárd Gearóid Ó Seachnasaigh; Newtownabbey, 9 March 1954 – Maze, County Down, 5 May 1981) was an Irish volunteer of the Provisional Irish Republican Army who died on hunger strike while imprisoned in HM Prison Maze.

He was the leader of the 1981 hunger strike in which Irish republican prisoners protested against the removal of Special Category Status. During his strike he was elected as a member of the British Parliament as an Anti H-Block/Armagh Political Prisoner candidate. His death resulted in a new surge of IRA recruitment and activity. International media coverage brought attention to the hunger strikers, and the republican movement in general, attracting both praise and criticism.

Sands was born into a Roman Catholic family in Abbots Cross, and lived in Doonbeg Drive, Newtownabbey, County Antrim, until 1960 when the family was forced to move to Rathcoole, Newtownabbey. His first sister, Marcella, was born in April 1955 and second sister, Bernadette, in November 1958. His parents, John and Rosaleen, had another son, John, in 1962. On leaving school, Bobby became an apprentice coach-builder until he was forced out at gunpoint by loyalists.
In June 1972, at the age of 18, Bobby moved with his family to the Twinbrook housing estate in west Belfast, and had to leave Rathcoole due to loyalist intimidation.
He married Geraldine Noade. His son, Gerard, was born 8 May 1973. Noade soon left to live in England with their son.
Sands' sister, Bernadette Sands McKevitt, is also a prominent Irish Republican. Along with her husband Michael McKevitt she helped to form the 32 County Sovereignty Movement and is accused of involvement with the Real Irish Republican Army. Sands McKevitt is opposed to the Belfast Agreement, stating that "Bobby did not die for cross-border bodies with executive powers. He did not die for nationalists to be equal British citizens within the Northern Ireland state."

    

  
IRA activity

In 1972, Sands joined the Provisional IRA. He was arrested and charged in October 1972 with possession of four handguns found in the house where he was staying. Sands was convicted in April 1973 sentenced to five years' imprisonment and released in April 1976. Upon his release from prison in 1976, he returned to his family home in West Belfast, and resumed his active role in the Provisional IRA's cause. He was charged with involvement in the October 1976 bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry. He was never convicted of this charge; the presiding judge stated that there was no evidence to support the assertion that Sands had taken part in the bombing. After the bombing, Sands and at least five others were alleged to have been involved in a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary, although Sands was not convicted due to lack of evidence. Leaving behind two of their wounded friends, Seamus Martin and Gabriel Corbett, Sands, Joe McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery tried to escape in a car, but were apprehended. Later, one of the revolvers used in the attack was found in the car in which Sands had been travelling. In 1977, prosecutors charged him with possession of the revolver from which bullets were fired at the RUC after the bombing. After his trial and conviction, Sands was sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment within HM Prison Maze, also known as Long Kesh.
Immediately after his sentence, Sands was implicated in a ruckus and spent the first 22 days "on boards" (all furniture was removed from his cell) in Crumlin Road Prison, 15 days naked, and a No. 1 starvation diet (bread and water) every 3 days.

In prison, Sands became a writer of both journalism and poetry, with work published in the Irish republican newspaper An Phoblacht. In late 1980 Sands was chosen as Officer Commanding of the Provisional IRA prisoners in Long Kesh, succeeding Brendan Hughes who was participating in the first hunger strike.
Republican prisoners organised a series of protests seeking to regain their previous Special Category Status which would free them from some ordinary prison regulations. This began with the "blanket protest" in 1976, in which the prisoners refused to wear prison uniform and wore blankets instead. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out" (i.e., empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the "dirty protest", wherein prisoners refused to wash and smeared the walls of their cells with excrement.

While in prison Sands had several letters and articles published in the Republican paper An Phoblacht (en: Republican News) under the pseudonym "Marcella". Other writings attributed to him are: Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song and One Day in My Life. Sands also wrote the lyrics of "Back Home in Derry" and "McIlhatton", which were both later recorded by Christy Moore; and he wrote "Sad Song For Susan" which was later recorded. The melody of "Back Home in Derry" was borrowed from Gordon Lightfoot's famous 1976 song "The Wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald."

   

MP

Shortly after the beginning of the strike, Frank Maguire, the Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, died suddenly of a heart attack, precipitating the April 1981 by-election.
The sudden vacancy in a seat with a nationalist majority of about five thousand was a valuable opportunity for Sands' supporters to unite the nationalist community behind their campaign. Pressure not to split the vote led other nationalist parties, notably the Social Democratic and Labour Party, to withdraw, and Sands was nominated on the label "Anti H-Block / Armagh Political Prisoner". After a highly polarised campaign, Sands narrowly won the seat on 9 April 1981, with 30,493 votes to 29,046 for the Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West - and also become the youngest MP at the time. However Sands died in prison less than a month afterwards, without ever having taken his seat in the Commons.
Following Sands' success, the British Government introduced the Representation of the People Act 1981 which prevents prisoners serving jail terms of more than one year in either the UK or the Republic of Ireland from being nominated as candidates in British elections. This law was introduced in order to prevent the other hunger strikers from being elected to the British parliament.

   

Hunger strike

he 1981 Irish hunger strike started with Sands refusing food on 1 March 1981. Sands decided that other prisoners should join the strike at staggered intervals in order to maximise publicity with prisoners steadily deteriorating successively over several months. The hunger strike centred on five demands:

1. The right not to wear a prison uniform;
2. The right not to do prison work;
3. The right of free association with other prisoners, and to organise educational and recreational pursuits;
4. The right to one visit, one letter and one parcel per week;
5. Full restoration of remission lost through the protest.

The significance of the hunger strike was the prisoners' aim of being declared political prisoners (or prisoners of war) as opposed to criminals. The Washington Post reported that the primary aim of the hunger strike was to generate international publicity.

Death

Sands died on 5 May 1981 in Maze prison hospital after 66 days of hunger-striking, aged 27. The original pathologist's report recorded the hunger strikers' causes of death as "self-imposed starvation", later amended to simply "starvation" after protests from the dead strikers' families. The coroner recorded verdicts of "starvation, self-imposed".
The announcement of Sands's death prompted several days of rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. A milk deliverer, Eric Guiney, and his son, Desmond, died as a result of injuries sustained when their milk float crashed after being stoned by rioters in a predominantly nationalist area of north Belfast. Over 100,000 people lined the route of Sands's funeral and he was buried in the 'New Republican Plot' alongside 76 others. Their grave is maintained and cared for by the National Graves Association, Belfast. Sands was a Member of the Westminster Parliament for 25 days, though he never took his seat or the oath.
In response to a question in the House of Commons on 5 May 1981, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".
Sands was survived by his parents, siblings, and his son, Gerard.
    

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Hoje é dia de recordar Bobby Sands...

A Irlanda foi dividida há cento e um anos...

A Partição da Irlanda foi uma partição entre o nordeste dos seis condados e os restantes vinte e seis condados teve lugar no dia 3 de maio de 1921 sob o Ato do Governo da Irlanda de 1920. Toda a ilha da Irlanda passou a ser, provisoriamente, Estado Livre Irlandês em 6 de dezembro de 1922. Contudo, o Parlamento da Irlanda do Norte exerceu o seu direito de optar por sair do novo domínio no dia seguinte.

Esta partição criou dois territórios na ilha da Irlanda: Irlanda do Norte e Irlanda do Sul. Hoje, o primeiro ainda é conhecido como Irlanda do Norte, enquanto que o último é conhecido simplesmente como Irlanda (ou, no caso de diferenciação entre o Estado e toda a ilha, é necessário que o Estado seja referido como o República da Irlanda). A Irlanda do Norte permanece como parte do Reino Unido, enquanto que a Irlanda é um Estado soberano. 

 

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Tony Blair ocupou o lugar de primeiro-ministro do Reino Unido há 25 anos

   

Anthony "Tony" Charles Lynton Blair (Edimburgo, 6 de maio de 1953) é um político britânico, tendo ocupado o cargo de primeiro-ministro do Reino Unido de 2 de maio de 1997 a 27 de junho de 2007, de líder do Partido Trabalhista de 1994 a 2007 e de membro do Parlamento Britânico de 1983 a 2007.

Depois de deixar o cargo de primeiro-ministro, Blair foi indicado para a posição de enviado no Médio Oriente da ONU, da União Europeia, dos Estados Unidos e da Rússia.

Blair foi educado em colégios de Edimburgo e depois estudou Direito em Oxford, convertendo-se em advogado especializado em Direito Sindical em 1976. Em 1983, foi eleito deputado (MP) do Partido Trabalhista Inglês (Labour) no Parlamento. De 1984 a 1987, foi porta-voz da oposição sobre assuntos de tesouro e economia.

Após a morte de John Smith em 1994, Blair, então com 41 anos, tornou-se o líder mais jovem já surgido no trabalhismo inglês. O Congresso do Partido Trabalhista em 1996, adotou a política proposta por Tony Blair, que buscava uma reforma constitucional, especial atenção à educação e à saúde e a maior integração com a União Europeia (UE). Nas eleições de 1997, derrotou o conservador John Major por uma grande maioria dos votos. Apresentou "O modelo para o século XXI", segundo o princípio "trabalho para os que podem trabalhar" e "assistência para os que não podem trabalhar". Contribuiu para pôr fim a trinta anos de conflito na Irlanda do Norte, firmando após quase dois anos de negociações um acordo de paz. Este acordo contou com a colaboração do presidente dos EUA, Bill Clinton.

Como presidente no retorno do Conselho da União Europeia, Blair aprovou o tratado de maio de 1998 para a circulação do Euro. Em janeiro de 1999 propôs converter a Câmara de Lordes num senado com eleição por sufrágio universal. No mesmo ano obteve o Prémio Carlos Magno pela sua contribuição à unidade europeia.

Em junho de 2001, nas eleições gerais, o Partido Trabalhista de Tony Blair ganha o segundo mandato, caso inédito no currículo do partido e na história de Inglaterra.

Em março de 2003, Blair decide, em conjunto com o presidente norte-americano, George W. Bush, atacar o Iraque. Envia tropas britânicas para um conflito (conjuntamente com os militares norte-americanos) que tinha como objetivo desarmar o Iraque e depor o governo de Saddam Hussein.

Em 2005 Tony Blair lidera novamente o Partido Trabalhista numa estreia absoluta, ao alcançar a vitória para um terceiro mandato consecutivo.

Na sequência das negociações da OMC para a eliminação de barreiras alfandegárias, Tony Blair defende a abolição total das tarifas aduaneiras pela União Europeia para os produtos agrícolas, bem como o fim dos subsídios estatais à produção, ao rendimento e sobretudo à exportação. Tal posição que ia ao encontro das pretensões dos países em desenvolvimento, como o Brasil, Argentina, Tanzânia, Índia, entre outros, potenciaria a entrada daquelas economias nos mercados protegidos europeu e norte-americano.

No entanto, a França opôs-se tenazmente, remetendo para 2013 uma revisão global da Política Agrícola Comum da União Europeia.

Em 2006, o Partido Republicano dos EUA, ao qual o Presidente Bush pertence, perdeu as eleições parlamentares no seu país para o Partido Democrata, o que mostrou o descontentamento do povo norte-americano com o seu líder. Blair, assim, vê a sua imagem prejudicada, já que o principal motivo que levou à rejeição do domínio republicano foi o fiasco da Guerra do Iraque. O Primeiro-Ministro percebe, desta forma, ter também grande probabilidade de perder o poder pelas mãos do Parlamento depois de nove anos no cargo.

Em 10 de maio de 2007, Tony Blair anunciou formalmente que renunciava a líder do Partido Trabalhista no dia 24 de junho, e consequentemente ao lugar de primeiro-ministro, após 10 anos de serviço. No dia 27 de junho, renunciou formalmente. Gordon Brown sucedeu-lhe em ambos os cargos.

Em dezembro de 2007 anunciou oficialmente a sua conversão ao catolicismo, deixando a Igreja Anglicana. Em uma conferência em abril de 2008 pronunciada na Catedral de Westminster perante umas 1600 pessoas, Blair destacou a importância da religião em um mundo globalizado. Disse que a religião poderia "despertar a consciência do mundo" e a ajudar a alcançar os Objetivos do Milénio da ONU contra a pobreza e a fome, de entre outras causas nobres.

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O Acordo de Belfast (ou da Sexta-feira Santa) foi assinado há vinte e quatro anos

 Parlamento da Irlanda do Norte (Stormont Parliamentary Building), onde foi assinado o Acordo

    

O Acordo de Belfast (também conhecido por Acordo da Sexta-feira Santa) foi assinado em Belfast a 10 de abril de 1998 pelos governos britânico e irlandês e apoiado pela maioria dos partidos políticos norte-irlandeses. O acordo tinha por finalidade acabar com os conflitos entre nacionalistas e unionistas sobre a questão da união da Irlanda do Norte com a República da Irlanda ou da sua continuação como parte do Reino Unido.

O acordo foi aprovado pela maioria dos votantes tanto na Irlanda do Norte como na República da Irlanda, chamados a pronunciar-se, em referendos separados, em maio de 1998.

  

Pontos principais

• O princípio que o futuro constitucional da Irlanda do Norte deverá ser decidido pelo voto dos seus cidadãos.
• O comprometimento de todas as partes em usarem exclusivamente meios pacíficos e democráticos.
• O estabelecimento de uma Assembleia da Irlanda do Norte com poderes legislativos.
• A criação de um 'poder-partilhado' para a atribuição de ministros aos principais partidos, segundo o método de Hondt
• Estabelecimento de um Conselho britânico-irlandês, composto por representantes dos governos da República da Irlanda, da Irlanda do Norte, Reino Unido, Escócia, País de Gales, Ilhas do Canal e Ilha de Man, para a discussão dos assuntos de interesse comum.
• A libertação, no espaço de dois anos, de prisioneiros paramilitares pertencentes a organizações que acatassem o cessar-fogo.
• A deposição das armas no espaço de dois anos.
• A modificação dos artigos 2 e 3 da constituição da Irlanda, referentes à reivindicação do território da Irlanda do Norte pela República da Irlanda.
• Nova legislação sobre policiamento, direitos humanos e igualdade na Irlanda do Norte.

      

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Gary Moore nasceu há setenta anos...

    

Robert William Gary Moore (Belfast, Northern Ireland, 4 April 1952 – Estepona, Spain, 6 February 2011) was a Northern Irish musician, most widely recognised as a singer, songwriter, and virtuoso rock and blues guitarist.

In a career dating back to the 1960s, Moore played with musicians including Phil Lynott and Brian Downey during his teenage years, leading him to memberships of the Irish bands Skid Row and Thin Lizzy, and British band Colosseum II. Moore shared the stage with such blues and rock musicians as B.B. King, Albert King, John Mayall, Jack Bruce, Albert Collins, George Harrison, and Greg Lake, as well as having a successful solo career. He guested on a number of albums recorded by high-profile musicians.

     

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Robert Kildea, dos Belle & Sebastian, faz hoje 50 anos

  

Bobby Kildea is a musician from Northern Ireland. He currently plays bass and guitar in the Scottish indie pop band Belle & Sebastian, after joining in 2001 to replace departing bassist Stuart David, and had previously been in V-Twin. He is the band's only Northern Irish member and is notable for his laidback demeanor and long hair.

He goes by the nickname "Belfast" in the band, despite being born in nearby Bangor, Northern Ireland.

In December 2008, he toured with The Vaselines during Belle & Sebastian's hiatus, during which Stuart Murdoch was heading his God Help the Girl project.

Bobby features alongside Belle and Sebastian co-star Stevie Jackson on the 2011 album 'Fuerteventura' by Spanish artist Russian Red.

 

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O ator Ciarán Hinds faz hoje 69 anos

   

Ciarán Hinds (Belfast, 9 February 1953) is an Irish film, television, and stage actor. A versatile character actor, he has featured in films such as Road to Perdition, Munich, There Will Be Blood, Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 2, Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, Frozen, and Justice League, in which he portrayed the main antagonist Steppenwolf.

His television roles include Gaius Julius Caesar in the series Rome, DCI James Langton in Above Suspicion, Bud Hammond in Political Animals, and Mance Rayder in Game of Thrones. As a stage actor Hinds has enjoyed spells with the Royal Shakespeare Company, the Royal National Theatre in London, and six seasons with Glasgow Citizens' Theatre, and he has continued to work on stage throughout his career.

Hinds was born in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Brought up as a Catholic in North Belfast, he was one of five children and the only son of his doctor father and schoolteacher and amateur actress mother.

He was an Irish dancer in his youth and was educated at Holy Family Primary School and St. Malachy's College. After leaving St. Malachy's, he enrolled as a law student at Queen's University, Belfast (QUB), but was soon persuaded to pursue acting and abandoned his studies at Queen's to enroll at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art (RADA), finishing in 1975.

   

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Música adequada à data...

Gary Moore morreu há onze anos...

 

Robert William Gary Moore (Belfast, Northern Ireland, 4 April 1952 – Estepona, Spain, 6 February 2011) was a Northern Irish musician, most widely recognised as a singer, songwriter, and virtuoso rock and blues guitarist.

In a career dating back to the 1960s, Moore played with musicians including Phil Lynott and Brian Downey during his teenage years, leading him to memberships of the Irish bands Skid Row and Thin Lizzy, and British band Colosseum II. Moore shared the stage with such blues and rock musicians as B.B. King, Albert King, John Mayall, Jack Bruce, Albert Collins, George Harrison, and Greg Lake, as well as having a successful solo career. He guested on a number of albums recorded by high-profile musicians.

   

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Hoje é dia de recordar um estúpido e vergonhoso domingo sangrento...

 

Sunday, bloody Sunday - U2

 

I can't believe the news today
Oh, I can't close my eyes and make it go away

   

How long, how long must we sing this song?
How long? How long?
'Cause tonight, we can be as one
Tonight

   

Broken bottles under children's feet
Bodies strewn across the dead end street
But I won't heed the battle call
It puts my back up
Puts my back up against the wall

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Alright, let's go!

  

And the battle's just begun
There's many lost, but tell me, who has won?
The trench is dug within our hearts
And mothers, children, brothers, sisters
Torn apart

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday

  

How long, how long must we sing this song?
How long, how long?
'Cause tonight, we can be as one
Tonight, tonight

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday (tonight, tonight)
Come get some!

  

Wipe the tears from your eyes
Wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your bloodshot eyes

  

(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
Sunday, bloody Sunday

  

(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Alright, let's go!

  

And it's true, we are immune
When fact is fiction and TV reality
And today, the millions cry
We eat and drink while tomorrow, they die
The real battle just begun (Sunday, bloody Sunday)
To claim the victory Jesus won (Sunday, bloody Sunday)
On

 

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday

O Domingo Sangrento foi há cinquenta anos...

O Padre Edward Daly (futuro Bispo de Derry) com a bandeira branca manchada de sangue, tentando levar Jackie Duddy, ferido de morte

      

Domingo Sangrento (em gaélico: Domhnach na Fola, Bloody Sunday, em inglês) foi um confronto entre manifestantes católicos e protestantes, e o exército inglês ocorrido na cidade de Derry, na Irlanda do Norte, no dia 30 de janeiro de 1972. O movimento teve início com um protesto de dez mil manifestantes que pretendiam, saindo do bairro de Creggan em marcha pelas ruas católicas da cidade, chegar até a Câmara Municipal. Antes disso, entretanto, os soldados ingleses partiram para ofensiva e disparam contra os manifestantes, deixando 14 ativistas católicos mortos e 26 feridos.

Das catorze vítimas mortas, seis eram menores de idade e um sétimo ferido faleceu meses depois do incidente. Todas as vítimas estavam desarmadas e cinco delas foram alvejadas pelas costas. Os manifestantes protestavam contra a política do governo norte-irlandês de prender sumariamente pessoas suspeitas de atos terroristas. O incidente, que entrou para a história da ilha, era para apoiar o Exército Republicano Irlandês, o IRA, uma organização clandestina que lutava pela separação da Irlanda do Norte da Grã-Bretanha e posterior união com a República da Irlanda. Após o "Domingo Sangrento", o IRA ganhou um número enorme de jovens voluntários, dando força ainda maior a esse movimento de guerrilha. Em memória da data, foi feita a canção "Sunday Bloody Sunday!" em 1983, pela banda irlandesa U2. Paul McCartney também tratou do incidente, na canção "Give Ireland Back To The Irish", lançada em compacto com sua então nova banda, os Wings, em fevereiro de 1972.

Duas investigações foram realizadas pelo Governo britânico. O Widgery Tribunal, realizada no rescaldo do evento, ilibou em grande parte os soldados britânicos e as autoridades da responsabilidade, mas foi criticado por muitos como um "branqueamento" do incidente, incluindo pelo antigo chefe de equipe de Tony Blair, Jonathan Powell. O Inquérito Saville, iniciado em 1998 para analisar os acontecimentos novamente (presidida por Lord Saville de Newdigate), apresentou um relatório, em 2010,  que mostrava que os soldados e autoridades do Reino Unido procederam de forma errada, levando à apresentação de desculpas às famílias das vítimas por parte do Primeiro Ministro do Reino Unido.

O Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) iniciara a sua campanha contra a Irlanda do Norte ser uma parte do Reino Unido havia dois anos antes do Bloody Sunday, mas a interpretação do evento impulsionaram enormemente o recrutamento e o apoio à organização.

O Bloody Sunday continua entre os mais importantes eventos dos apelidados Troubles da Irlanda do Norte, principalmente devido ao facto de ter sido levado a cabo pelo exército britânico.

    

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The death

• John (Jackie) Duddy. Shot in the chest in the car park of Rossville flats. Four witnesses stated Duddy was unarmed and running away from the paratroopers when he was killed. Three of them saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. He is the uncle of the Irish boxer John Duddy.
• Patrick Joseph Doherty. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville flats. Doherty was the subject of a series of photographs, taken before and after he died by French journalist Gilles Peress. Despite testimony from "Soldier F" that he had fired at a man holding and firing a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs showed Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.
• Bernard McGuigan. Shot in the back of the head when he went to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief at the soldiers to indicate his peaceful intentions.
• Hugh Pius Gilmour. Shot through his right elbow, the bullet then entering his chest as he ran from the paratroopers on Rossville Street. Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed, and that tests for gunshot residue were negative.
• Kevin McElhinney. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety at the front entrance of the Rossville Flats. Two witnesses stated McElhinney was unarmed.
• Michael Gerald Kelly. Shot in the stomach while standing near the rubble barricade in front of Rossville Flats. Widgery accepted that Kelly was unarmed.
• John Pius Young. Shot in the head while standing at the rubble barricade. Two witnesses stated Young was unarmed.
• William Noel Nash. Shot in the chest near the barricade. Witnesses stated Nash was unarmed and going to the aid of another when killed.
• Michael M. McDaid. Shot in the face at the barricade as he was walking away from the paratroopers. The trajectory of the bullet indicated he could have been killed by soldiers positioned on the Derry Walls.
• James Joseph Wray. Wounded then shot again at close range while lying on the ground. Witnesses who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal stated that Wray was calling out that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time.
• Gerald Donaghey. Shot in the stomach while attempting to run to safety between Glenfada Park and Abbey Park. Donaghey was brought to a nearby house by bystanders where he was examined by a doctor. His pockets were turned out in an effort to identify him. A later police photograph of Donaghey's corpse showed nail bombs in his pockets. Neither those who searched his pockets in the house nor the British army medical officer (Soldier 138) who pronounced him dead shortly afterwards say they saw any bombs. Donaghey had been a member of Fianna Éireann, an IRA-linked Republican youth movement. Paddy Ward, a police informer who gave evidence at the Saville Inquiry, claimed that he had given two nail bombs to Donaghey several hours before he was shot dead.
• Gerard (James) McKinney. Shot just after Gerald Donaghey. Witnesses stated that McKinney had been running behind Donaghey, and he stopped and held up his arms, shouting "Don't shoot! Don't shoot!", when he saw Donaghey fall. He was then shot in the chest.
• William Anthony McKinney. Shot from behind as he attempted to aid Gerald McKinney (no relation). He had left cover to try to help Gerald.
• John Johnston. Shot in the leg and left shoulder on William Street 15 minutes before the rest of the shooting started. Johnston was not on the march, but on his way to visit a friend in Glenfada Park. He died 4½ months later; his death has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. He was the only one not to die immediately or soon after being shot.

        

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O tratado fundador do moderno estado irlandês foi assinado há um século

 

O Tratado Anglo-Irlandês comumente conhecido como O Tratado e oficialmente os Artigos de Acordo para um Tratado entre a Grã-Bretanha e a Irlanda, foi um acordo entre o governo do Reino Unido da Grã-Bretanha e Irlanda e representantes da República Irlandesa que concluíram a Guerra da Independência da Irlanda. Previa o estabelecimento do Estado Livre Irlandês dentro de um ano como um domínio autónomo dentro da "comunidade de nações conhecida como Império Britânico", um status "igual ao do Domínio do Canadá". Também concedeu à Irlanda do Norte, que foi criada pelo Ato do Governo da Irlanda de 1920, uma opção de exclusão do Estado Livre Irlandês, que exerceu.

O acordo foi assinado em Londres em 6 de dezembro de 1921, por representantes do governo britânico (que incluía o primeiro-ministro David Lloyd George, que era o chefe dos delegados britânicos) e por representantes da República da Irlanda, incluindo Michael Collins e Arthur Griffith. Os representantes irlandeses tinham status de plenipotenciário (negociadores com poderes para assinar um tratado sem referência a seus superiores) agindo em nome da República da Irlanda, embora o governo britânico se recusasse a reconhecer esse status. Conforme exigido por seus termos, o acordo foi aprovado por "uma reunião" dos membros eleitos para fazer parte da Câmara dos Comuns da Irlanda do Sul e [separadamente] pelo Parlamento britânico. Na realidade, Dáil Éireann (a assembleia legislativa da República da Irlanda de facto) primeiro debateu e depois aprovou o tratado; os membros então prosseguiram com a "reunião". Embora o tratado tenha sido aprovado por pouco, a divisão levou à Guerra Civil Irlandesa, que foi vencida pelo lado pró-tratado.

O Estado Livre Irlandês, conforme contemplado pelo tratado, passou a existir quando sua constituição se tornou lei em 6 de dezembro de 1922 por uma proclamação real.

  

     

(...)

 

    

A divisão em torno do tratado levou à Guerra Civil Irlandesa (1922-23). Em 1922, seus dois principais signatários irlandeses, Arthur Griffith e Michael Collins, morreram. Birkenhead teria dito ao assinar o tratado: "Sr. Collins, ao assinar este Tratado, estou a assinar a minha sentença de morte política", ao qual Collins teria respondido: "Lord Birkenhead, estou a assinar a minha sentença de morte real". Collins foi morto por republicanos anti-tratado, numa emboscada em Béal na Bláth, em agosto de 1922, dez dias após a morte de Griffith, por insuficiência cardíaca, que foi atribuída à exaustão. Ambos os homens foram substituídos nos seus cargos por W. T. Cosgrave. Dois dos outros membros da delegação, Robert Barton e Erskine Childers, posicionaram-se contra o tratado na guerra civil. Childers, chefe da propaganda anti-tratado no conflito, foi executado pelo estado livre, por posse de uma pistola, em novembro de 1922.

O que a Irlanda recebeu em status de domínio, a par com o desfrutado pelo Canadá, Nova Zelândia e Austrália, foi muito mais do que o Home Rule Act de 1914, e certamente um avanço considerável na regra interna uma vez oferecida a Charles Stewart Parnell no século XIX, embora à custa da exclusão da Irlanda do Norte. Mesmo as propostas de Valera feitas em segredo durante os Debates do Tratado diferiam muito pouco do texto aceite em questões essenciais, e estavam muito aquém da república autónoma de 32 condados que ele afirmava perseguir publicamente.

 

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A Greve de Fome dos presos políticos católicos norte-irlandeses terminou há quarenta anos

  

The 1981 Irish hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during The Troubles by Irish republican prisoners in Northern Ireland. The protest began as the blanket protest in 1976, when the British government withdrew Special Category Status for convicted paramilitary prisoners. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out", the dispute escalated into the dirty protest, where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement. In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike, which ended after 53 days.

The second hunger strike took place in 1981 and was a showdown between the prisoners and the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. One hunger striker, Bobby Sands, was elected as a Member of Parliament during the strike, prompting media interest from around the world. The strike was called off after ten prisoners had starved themselves to death—including Sands, whose funeral was attended by 100,000 people. The strike radicalised nationalist politics, and was the driving force that enabled Sinn Féin to become a mainstream political party.

(...)

The second hunger strike began on 1 March, when Bobby Sands, the IRA's former Officer Commanding (OC) in the prison, refused food. Unlike the first strike, the prisoners joined one at a time and at staggered intervals, which they believed would arouse maximum public support and exert maximum pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
The republican movement initially struggled to generate public support for the second hunger strike. The Sunday before Sands began his strike, 3,500 people marched through west Belfast; during the first hunger strike four months earlier the marchers had numbered 10,000. Five days into the strike, however, Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Frank Maguire died, resulting in a by-election. There was debate among nationalists and republicans regarding who should contest the election: Austin Currie of the Social Democratic and Labour Party expressed an interest, as did Bernadette McAliskey and Maguire's brother Noel. After negotiations, and implied threats to Noel Maguire, they agreed not to split the nationalist vote by contesting the election and Sands stood as an Anti H-Block candidate against Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West. Following a high-profile campaign the election took place on 9 April, and Sands was elected to the British House of Commons with 30,492 votes to West's 29,046.
Sands' election victory raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated "We are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime is crime is crime, it is not political". The world's media descended on Belfast, and several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end to the hunger strike, including Síle de Valera, granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, Pope John Paul II's personal envoy John Magee, and European Commission of Human Rights officials. With Sands close to death, the government's position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating "If Mr. Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide, that was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him".
On 5 May, Sands died in the prison hospital on the sixty-sixth day of his hunger strike, prompting rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. Humphrey Atkins issued a statement saying that Sands had committed suicide "under the instructions of those who felt it useful to their cause that he should die". Over 100,000 people lined the route of his funeral, which was conducted with full IRA military honours. Margaret Thatcher showed no regret for his death, telling the House of Commons that, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".

   

Memorial mural along Falls Road, Belfast

Participants who died on hunger strike

Over the summer of 1981, ten hunger strikers had died. Their names, paramilitary affiliation, dates of death, and length of hunger strike are as follows:

Name	Paramilitary affiliation	Strike started	Date of death	Length of strike	Reason for imprisonment
Bobby Sands	IRA	1 March	5 May	66 days	Possession of a handgun
Francis Hughes	IRA	15 March	12 May	59 days	Various offences, including the murder of a soldier
Raymond McCreesh	IRA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Attempted murder, possession of a rifle, IRA membership
Patsy O’Hara	INLA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Possession of a hand grenade
Joe McDonnell	IRA	8 May	8 July	61 days	Possession of a firearm
Martin Hurson	IRA	28 May	13 July	46 days	Attempted murder, involvement in explosions, IRA membership
Kevin Lynch	INLA	23 May	1 August	71 days	Stealing shotguns, taking part in a punishment shooting
Kieran Doherty	IRA	22 May	2 August	73 days	Possession of firearms and explosives, hijacking
Thomas McElwee	IRA	8 June	8 August	62 days	Manslaughter
Michael Devine	INLA	22 June	20 August	60 days	Theft and possession of firearms

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