Os presos políticos católicos norte-irlandeses terminaram a greve de fome há 43 anos...

    

The 1981 Irish hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during The Troubles by Irish republican prisoners in Northern Ireland. The protest began as the blanket protest in 1976, when the British government withdrew Special Category Status for convicted paramilitary prisoners. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out", the dispute escalated into the dirty protest, where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement. In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike, which ended after 53 days.

The second hunger strike took place in 1981 and was a showdown between the prisoners and the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. One hunger striker, Bobby Sands, was elected as a Member of Parliament during the strike, prompting media interest from around the world. The strike was called off after ten prisoners had starved themselves to death—including Sands, whose funeral was attended by 100,000 people. The strike radicalised nationalist politics, and was the driving force that enabled Sinn Féin to become a mainstream political party.
  
(...)
  
The second hunger strike began on 1 March, when Bobby Sands, the IRA's former Officer Commanding (OC) in the prison, refused food. Unlike the first strike, the prisoners joined one at a time and at staggered intervals, which they believed would arouse maximum public support and exert maximum pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
The republican movement initially struggled to generate public support for the second hunger strike. The Sunday before Sands began his strike, 3,500 people marched through west Belfast; during the first hunger strike four months earlier the marchers had numbered 10,000. Five days into the strike, however, Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Frank Maguire died, resulting in a by-election. There was debate among nationalists and republicans regarding who should contest the election: Austin Currie of the Social Democratic and Labour Party expressed an interest, as did Bernadette McAliskey and Maguire's brother Noel. After negotiations, and implied threats to Noel Maguire, they agreed not to split the nationalist vote by contesting the election and Sands stood as an Anti H-Block candidate against Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West. Following a high-profile campaign the election took place on 9 April, and Sands was elected to the British House of Commons with 30,492 votes to West's 29,046.
Sands' election victory raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated "We are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime is crime is crime, it is not political". The world's media descended on Belfast, and several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end to the hunger strike, including Síle de Valera, granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, Pope John Paul II's personal envoy John Magee, and European Commission of Human Rights officials. With Sands close to death, the government's position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating "If Mr. Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide, that was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him".
On 5 May, Sands died in the prison hospital on the sixty-sixth day of his hunger strike, prompting rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. Humphrey Atkins issued a statement saying that Sands had committed suicide "under the instructions of those who felt it useful to their cause that he should die". Over 100,000 people lined the route of his funeral, which was conducted with full IRA military honours. Margaret Thatcher showed no regret for his death, telling the House of Commons that, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".

     

A hunger strike memorial near Crossmaglen, County Armagh

  

Participants who died on hunger strike

Over the summer of 1981, ten hunger strikers had died. Their names, paramilitary affiliation, dates of death, and length of hunger strike are as follows:

Name	Paramilitary affiliation	Strike started	Date of death	Length of strike	Reason for imprisonment
Bobby Sands	IRA	1 March	5 May	66 days	Possession of a handgun
Francis Hughes	IRA	15 March	12 May	59 days	Various offences, including the murder of a soldier
Raymond McCreesh	IRA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Attempted murder, possession of a rifle, IRA membership
Patsy O’Hara	INLA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Possession of a hand grenade
Joe McDonnell	IRA	8 May	8 July	61 days	Possession of a firearm
Martin Hurson	IRA	28 May	13 July	46 days	Attempted murder, involvement in explosions, IRA membership
Kevin Lynch	INLA	23 May	1 August	71 days	Stealing shotguns, taking part in a punishment shooting
Kieran Doherty	IRA	22 May	2 August	73 days	Possession of firearms and explosives, hijacking
Thomas McElwee	IRA	8 June	8 August	62 days	Manslaughter
Michael Devine	INLA	22 June	20 August	60 days	Theft and possession of firearms

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O Conde Mountbatten da Birmânia, tio-avô de Carlos III, foi assassinado há 45 anos...

Louis Francis Albert Victor Nicholas Mountbatten, 1.º Conde Mountbatten da Birmânia (Windsor, 25 de junho de 1900 – Mullaghmore, 27 de agosto de 1979), nascido como príncipe Luís de Battenberg, foi um oficial militar britânico, tio do príncipe Filipe, Duque de Edimburgo e primo da rainha Isabel II do Reino Unido. Ele foi Supremo Comandante Aliado do Sudeste da Ásia durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Mountbatten também foi o último vice-rei da Índia e o primeiro governador-geral do independente Domínio da Índia, do qual a moderna Índia surgiu. De 1954 a 1959 foi o Primeiro Lorde do Mar, uma posição que havia sido ocupada quarenta anos antes por seu pai, Luís de Battenberg. Em seguida serviu como Chefe do Gabinete de Defesa, retirando-se em 1965.

Mountbatten, juntamente com outras três pessoas, incluindo o seu neto Nicholas, foram assassinados em 1979 pelo Exército Republicano Irlandês, que colocou uma bomba no seu barco de pesca, o Shadow V.

   

  
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Michael Collins foi assassinado há cento e dois anos...

  

Michael John "Mick" Collins (em irlandês: Mícheál Seán Ó Coileáin, Cloich na Coillte, 16 de outubro de 1890 - Béal na mBláth, 22 de agosto de 1922) foi um líder revolucionário irlandês, que agiu como Ministro das Finanças da República Irlandesa, Diretor dos Serviços Secretos do Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) e membro da delegação irlandesa que negociou o tratado anglo-irlandês, tendo sido também Presidente do Governo Provisório da Irlanda do Sul e Comandante-Chefe do Exército Nacional. Foi uma das figuras centrais da luta irlandesa pela independência, no começo do século XX.

Foi assassinado no dia 22 de agosto de 1922, durante a Guerra Civil Irlandesa. Michael Collins é venerado por muitos dos partidos políticos irlandeses, mas são os membros e partidários do Fine Gael os que mantêm um particular respeito pela sua memória.

   

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O IRA renunciou à luta armada há 19 anos

 

    
O Exército Republicano Irlandês, mais conhecido por sua sigla em inglês, IRA, é o nome dado a diversos grupos paramilitares irlandeses que, nos séculos XX e XXI, lutaram contra a influência britânica na ilha da Irlanda. Recorria a métodos de guerra assimétrica, sendo frequentemente acusados de terrorismo, notório principalmente por ataques à bomba e emboscadas com armas de fogo, e tinha como alvos tradicionais protestantes, políticos unionistas e representantes do governo britânico. Na sua fundação, o IRA tinha ligações com outros grupos nacionalistas irlandeses e eram o braço político do partido Sinn Fein ("Nós Próprios", em irlandês). A sua ideologia variou ao longo do tempo, abrangendo republicanismo, nacionalismo, irredentismo, unionismo irlandês e separatismo com relação a Grã-Bretanha, incluindo também sectarismo e defesa da comunidade católica da Irlanda contra a minoria protestante (que eram vistos como lealistas em relação a Inglaterra).

O IRA não era um grupo sectário e afirmava ser aberto a todos os irlandeses, mas a esmagadora maioria dos seus membros eram católicos, com quase nenhum protestante servindo como "membro ativo" do grupo. O historiador Peter Hart escreveu, nos seus estudos sobre os membros do IRA, que apenas três protestantes serviram como "ativos" no movimento, entre 1919 e 1921. Dos 917 membros do IRA condenados pelos britânicos durante a Guerra de Independência da Irlanda, apenas um era protestante. Embora a maioria esmagadora dos membros do IRA fossem católicos, havia de facto outras minorias (que eles chamavam de "pagãos"), como ateus e católicos não praticantes. A maioria dos soldados do IRA eram irlandeses natos, mas havia também pessoas nascidas noutras regiões do Reino Unido.

Na Irlanda do Norte, a principal função do IRA, durante os The Troubles, era defender a comunidade católica da violência sectária. Por esta razão, Peadar O'Donnell, um líder de esquerda do IRA que se opunha ao nacionalismo católico predominante dentro da organização, disse depreciativamente que "nós não temos um batalhão do IRA em Belfast, nós temos um batalhão de católicos armados". A partir de 1969, a violência sectária na Irlanda do Norte foi acentuando, com o IRA perpetrando ataques contra alvos protestantes e, principalmente, defendendo a minoria católica por lá. Esta minoria, que costumava ser maioria em todo o território irlandês, passou a encarar o catolicismo como símbolo de resistência contra a agressão britânica e como elemento comum para a reunificação da Irlanda.

Em 28 de julho de 2005 o IRA anuncia o fim da "luta armada" e a entrega de armas. O processo de entrega de armas terminou em 26 de setembro de 2005. Todo o processo de desmantelamento do armamento foi orientado pelo chefe da Comissão Internacional de Desarmamento, o general canadiano John de Chastelain. Porém, grupos de dissidentes que não aceitavam a resolução pacífica da questão política continuaram tentando realizar atentados terroristas, sem sucesso.

  

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Veronica Guerin foi assassinada há 28 anos...

  

Veronica Guerin (Artane, 5 de julho de 1958 - Dublin, 26 de junho de 1996) foi uma jornalista irlandesa.

Começou tardiamente na profissão, depois dos 30 anos, e gostava do jornalismo de investigação. Exemplo de determinação e coragem, a sua vontade incessante por justiça fez com que pagasse com a vida a investigação a fundo sobre a máfia e o tráfico de drogas em Dublin, capital da Irlanda, durante a década de 90. Denunciou também a ligação que alguns dos mais importantes gângsteres tinham com o IRA. Sofreu um atentado e chegou a ser espancada por um dos maiores mafiosos da cidade.

Depois do seu assassinato, a população da Irlanda revoltou-se e foi para as ruas protestar, e os barões do tráfico tiveram os seus bens confiscados e foram presos. Um ano depois do acontecido, os crimes caíram em mais de 50% na Irlanda.

Veronica Guerin é considerada uma heroína na Irlanda.

Dois filmes, baseados na história de Veronica Guerin, foram realizados:

• When the Sky Falls, de 2000, com Joan Allen como "Sinead Hamilton".
• Veronica Guerin, de 2003, estrelado por Cate Blanchett como "Veronica".

A banda de metal progressivo Savatage incluiu uma canção baseada na história da jornalista no álbum The Wake of Magellan, de 1998.

O músico irlandês Christy Moore também escreveu uma canção em sua homenagem, chamada Veronica.

       

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Hoje é dia de cantar a vida e morte de Bobby Sands...

Bobby Sands morreu há quarenta e três anos...

   

Robert Gerard "Bobby" Sands (Irish: Roibeárd Gearóid Ó Seachnasaigh; Newtownabbey, 9 March 1954 – Maze, County Down, 5 May 1981) was an Irish volunteer of the Provisional Irish Republican Army who died on hunger strike while imprisoned in HM Prison Maze.

He was the leader of the 1981 hunger strike in which Irish republican prisoners protested against the removal of Special Category Status. During his strike he was elected as a member of the British Parliament as an Anti H-Block/Armagh Political Prisoner candidate. His death resulted in a new surge of IRA recruitment and activity. International media coverage brought attention to the hunger strikers, and the republican movement in general, attracting both praise and criticism.

Sands was born into a Roman Catholic family in Abbots Cross, and lived in Doonbeg Drive, Newtownabbey, County Antrim, until 1960 when the family was forced to move to Rathcoole, Newtownabbey. His first sister, Marcella, was born in April 1955 and second sister, Bernadette, in November 1958. His parents, John and Rosaleen, had another son, John, in 1962. On leaving school, Bobby became an apprentice coach-builder until he was forced out at gunpoint by loyalists.
In June 1972, at the age of 18, Bobby moved with his family to the Twinbrook housing estate in west Belfast, and had to leave Rathcoole due to loyalist intimidation.
He married Geraldine Noade. His son, Gerard, was born 8 May 1973. Noade soon left to live in England with their son.
Sands' sister, Bernadette Sands McKevitt, is also a prominent Irish Republican. Along with her husband Michael McKevitt she helped to form the 32 County Sovereignty Movement and is accused of involvement with the Real Irish Republican Army. Sands McKevitt is opposed to the Belfast Agreement, stating that "Bobby did not die for cross-border bodies with executive powers. He did not die for nationalists to be equal British citizens within the Northern Ireland state."

    

  
IRA activity

In 1972, Sands joined the Provisional IRA. He was arrested and charged in October 1972 with possession of four handguns found in the house where he was staying. Sands was convicted in April 1973 sentenced to five years' imprisonment and released in April 1976. Upon his release from prison in 1976, he returned to his family home in West Belfast, and resumed his active role in the Provisional IRA's cause. He was charged with involvement in the October 1976 bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry. He was never convicted of this charge; the presiding judge stated that there was no evidence to support the assertion that Sands had taken part in the bombing. After the bombing, Sands and at least five others were alleged to have been involved in a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary, although Sands was not convicted due to lack of evidence. Leaving behind two of their wounded friends, Seamus Martin and Gabriel Corbett, Sands, Joe McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery tried to escape in a car, but were apprehended. Later, one of the revolvers used in the attack was found in the car in which Sands had been travelling. In 1977, prosecutors charged him with possession of the revolver from which bullets were fired at the RUC after the bombing. After his trial and conviction, Sands was sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment within HM Prison Maze, also known as Long Kesh.
Immediately after his sentence, Sands was implicated in a ruckus and spent the first 22 days "on boards" (all furniture was removed from his cell) in Crumlin Road Prison, 15 days naked, and a No. 1 starvation diet (bread and water) every 3 days.

In prison, Sands became a writer of both journalism and poetry, with work published in the Irish republican newspaper An Phoblacht. In late 1980 Sands was chosen as Officer Commanding of the Provisional IRA prisoners in Long Kesh, succeeding Brendan Hughes who was participating in the first hunger strike.
Republican prisoners organised a series of protests seeking to regain their previous Special Category Status which would free them from some ordinary prison regulations. This began with the "blanket protest" in 1976, in which the prisoners refused to wear prison uniform and wore blankets instead. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out" (i.e., empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the "dirty protest", wherein prisoners refused to wash and smeared the walls of their cells with excrement.

While in prison Sands had several letters and articles published in the Republican paper An Phoblacht (en: Republican News) under the pseudonym "Marcella". Other writings attributed to him are: Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song and One Day in My Life. Sands also wrote the lyrics of "Back Home in Derry" and "McIlhatton", which were both later recorded by Christy Moore; and he wrote "Sad Song For Susan" which was later recorded. The melody of "Back Home in Derry" was borrowed from Gordon Lightfoot's famous 1976 song "The Wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald."

   

MP

Shortly after the beginning of the strike, Frank Maguire, the Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, died suddenly of a heart attack, precipitating the April 1981 by-election.
The sudden vacancy in a seat with a nationalist majority of about five thousand was a valuable opportunity for Sands' supporters to unite the nationalist community behind their campaign. Pressure not to split the vote led other nationalist parties, notably the Social Democratic and Labour Party, to withdraw, and Sands was nominated on the label "Anti H-Block / Armagh Political Prisoner". After a highly polarised campaign, Sands narrowly won the seat on 9 April 1981, with 30,493 votes to 29,046 for the Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West - and also become the youngest MP at the time. However Sands died in prison less than a month afterwards, without ever having taken his seat in the Commons.
Following Sands' success, the British Government introduced the Representation of the People Act 1981 which prevents prisoners serving jail terms of more than one year in either the UK or the Republic of Ireland from being nominated as candidates in British elections. This law was introduced in order to prevent the other hunger strikers from being elected to the British parliament.

   

Hunger strike

he 1981 Irish hunger strike started with Sands refusing food on 1 March 1981. Sands decided that other prisoners should join the strike at staggered intervals in order to maximise publicity with prisoners steadily deteriorating successively over several months. The hunger strike centred on five demands:

1. The right not to wear a prison uniform;
2. The right not to do prison work;
3. The right of free association with other prisoners, and to organise educational and recreational pursuits;
4. The right to one visit, one letter and one parcel per week;
5. Full restoration of remission lost through the protest.

The significance of the hunger strike was the prisoners' aim of being declared political prisoners (or prisoners of war) as opposed to criminals. The Washington Post reported that the primary aim of the hunger strike was to generate international publicity.

Death

Sands died on 5 May 1981 in Maze prison hospital after 66 days of hunger-striking, aged 27. The original pathologist's report recorded the hunger strikers' causes of death as "self-imposed starvation", later amended to simply "starvation" after protests from the dead strikers' families. The coroner recorded verdicts of "starvation, self-imposed".
The announcement of Sands's death prompted several days of rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. A milk deliverer, Eric Guiney, and his son, Desmond, died as a result of injuries sustained when their milk float crashed after being stoned by rioters in a predominantly nationalist area of north Belfast. Over 100,000 people lined the route of Sands's funeral and he was buried in the 'New Republican Plot' alongside 76 others. Their grave is maintained and cared for by the National Graves Association, Belfast. Sands was a Member of the Westminster Parliament for 25 days, though he never took his seat or the oath.
In response to a question in the House of Commons on 5 May 1981, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".
Sands was survived by his parents, siblings, and his son, Gerard.
    

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Porque nunca esqueceremos este crime - hoje foi dia de recordar um domingo sangrento...

 

Sunday, bloody Sunday - U2

 

I can't believe the news today
Oh, I can't close my eyes and make it go away

   

How long, how long must we sing this song?
How long? How long?
'Cause tonight, we can be as one
Tonight

   

Broken bottles under children's feet
Bodies strewn across the dead end street
But I won't heed the battle call
It puts my back up
Puts my back up against the wall

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Alright, let's go!

  

And the battle's just begun
There's many lost, but tell me, who has won?
The trench is dug within our hearts
And mothers, children, brothers, sisters
Torn apart

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday

  

How long, how long must we sing this song?
How long, how long?
'Cause tonight, we can be as one
Tonight, tonight

  

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday (tonight, tonight)
Come get some!

  

Wipe the tears from your eyes
Wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your bloodshot eyes

  

(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
Sunday, bloody Sunday

  

(Sunday, bloody Sunday)
Sunday, bloody Sunday
Alright, let's go!

  

And it's true, we are immune
When fact is fiction and TV reality
And today, the millions cry
We eat and drink while tomorrow, they die
The real battle just begun (Sunday, bloody Sunday)
To claim the victory Jesus won (Sunday, bloody Sunday)
On

 

Sunday, bloody Sunday
Sunday, bloody Sunday

O Domingo Sangrento foi há cinquenta e dois anos...

O Padre Edward Daly (futuro Bispo católico de Derry) com uma bandeira branca manchada de sangue, tentando levar Jackie Duddy, ferido de morte

      

Domingo Sangrento (em gaélico: Domhnach na Fola, Bloody Sunday, em inglês) foi um confronto entre manifestantes católicos e protestantes, e o exército inglês ocorrido na cidade de Derry, na Irlanda do Norte, no dia 30 de janeiro de 1972. O movimento teve início com um protesto de dez mil manifestantes que pretendiam, saindo do bairro de Creggan em marcha pelas ruas católicas da cidade, chegar até a Câmara Municipal. Antes disso, entretanto, os soldados ingleses partiram para a ofensiva e disparam contra os manifestantes, deixando 14 ativistas católicos mortos e 26 feridos.

Das catorze vítimas mortas, seis eram menores de idade e um sétimo ferido faleceu meses depois do incidente. Todas as vítimas estavam desarmadas e cinco delas foram alvejadas pelas costas. Os manifestantes protestavam contra a política do governo norte-irlandês de prender sumariamente pessoas suspeitas de atos terroristas. O incidente, que entrou para a história da ilha, era para apoiar o Exército Republicano Irlandês, o IRA, uma organização clandestina que lutava pela separação da Irlanda do Norte da Grã-Bretanha e posterior união com a República da Irlanda. Após o "Domingo Sangrento", o IRA ganhou um número enorme de jovens voluntários, dando força ainda maior a esse movimento de guerrilha. Em memória da data, foi feita a canção "Sunday Bloody Sunday!" em 1983, pela banda irlandesa U2. Paul McCartney também tratou do incidente, na canção "Give Ireland Back To The Irish", lançada em compacto com a sua então nova banda, os Wings, em fevereiro de 1972.

Duas investigações foram realizadas pelo Governo britânico. O Widgery Tribunal, realizada no rescaldo do evento, ilibou em grande parte os soldados britânicos e as autoridades da responsabilidade, mas foi criticado por muitos como um "branqueamento" do incidente, incluindo pelo antigo chefe de equipa de Tony Blair, Jonathan Powell. O Inquérito Saville, iniciado em 1998 para analisar os acontecimentos novamente (presidida por Lord Saville de Newdigate), apresentou um relatório, em 2010,  que mostrava que os soldados e autoridades do Reino Unido procederam de forma errada, levando à apresentação de desculpas às famílias das vítimas por parte do Primeiro Ministro do Reino Unido.

O Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) iniciara a sua campanha contra a Irlanda do Norte ser uma parte do Reino Unido havia dois anos antes do Bloody Sunday, mas a interpretação do evento impulsionaram enormemente o recrutamento e o apoio à organização.

O Bloody Sunday continua entre os mais importantes eventos dos apelidados Troubles da Irlanda do Norte, principalmente devido ao facto de ter sido levado a cabo pelo exército britânico.

 

    

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Os presos políticos católicos norte-irlandeses terminaram a greve de fome há 42 anos...

  

The 1981 Irish hunger strike was the culmination of a five-year protest during The Troubles by Irish republican prisoners in Northern Ireland. The protest began as the blanket protest in 1976, when the British government withdrew Special Category Status for convicted paramilitary prisoners. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out", the dispute escalated into the dirty protest, where prisoners refused to leave their cells to wash and covered the walls of their cells with excrement. In 1980, seven prisoners participated in the first hunger strike, which ended after 53 days.

The second hunger strike took place in 1981 and was a showdown between the prisoners and the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. One hunger striker, Bobby Sands, was elected as a Member of Parliament during the strike, prompting media interest from around the world. The strike was called off after ten prisoners had starved themselves to death—including Sands, whose funeral was attended by 100,000 people. The strike radicalised nationalist politics, and was the driving force that enabled Sinn Féin to become a mainstream political party.

(...)

The second hunger strike began on 1 March, when Bobby Sands, the IRA's former Officer Commanding (OC) in the prison, refused food. Unlike the first strike, the prisoners joined one at a time and at staggered intervals, which they believed would arouse maximum public support and exert maximum pressure on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
The republican movement initially struggled to generate public support for the second hunger strike. The Sunday before Sands began his strike, 3,500 people marched through west Belfast; during the first hunger strike four months earlier the marchers had numbered 10,000. Five days into the strike, however, Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Frank Maguire died, resulting in a by-election. There was debate among nationalists and republicans regarding who should contest the election: Austin Currie of the Social Democratic and Labour Party expressed an interest, as did Bernadette McAliskey and Maguire's brother Noel. After negotiations, and implied threats to Noel Maguire, they agreed not to split the nationalist vote by contesting the election and Sands stood as an Anti H-Block candidate against Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West. Following a high-profile campaign the election took place on 9 April, and Sands was elected to the British House of Commons with 30,492 votes to West's 29,046.
Sands' election victory raised hopes that a settlement could be negotiated, but Thatcher stood firm in refusing to give concessions to the hunger strikers. She stated "We are not prepared to consider special category status for certain groups of people serving sentences for crime. Crime is crime is crime, it is not political". The world's media descended on Belfast, and several intermediaries visited Sands in an attempt to negotiate an end to the hunger strike, including Síle de Valera, granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, Pope John Paul II's personal envoy John Magee, and European Commission of Human Rights officials. With Sands close to death, the government's position remained unchanged, with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Humphrey Atkins stating "If Mr. Sands persisted in his wish to commit suicide, that was his choice. The Government would not force medical treatment upon him".
On 5 May, Sands died in the prison hospital on the sixty-sixth day of his hunger strike, prompting rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. Humphrey Atkins issued a statement saying that Sands had committed suicide "under the instructions of those who felt it useful to their cause that he should die". Over 100,000 people lined the route of his funeral, which was conducted with full IRA military honours. Margaret Thatcher showed no regret for his death, telling the House of Commons that, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".

   

Memorial mural along Falls Road, Belfast

Participants who died on hunger strike

Over the summer of 1981, ten hunger strikers had died. Their names, paramilitary affiliation, dates of death, and length of hunger strike are as follows:

Name	Paramilitary affiliation	Strike started	Date of death	Length of strike	Reason for imprisonment
Bobby Sands	IRA	1 March	5 May	66 days	Possession of a handgun
Francis Hughes	IRA	15 March	12 May	59 days	Various offences, including the murder of a soldier
Raymond McCreesh	IRA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Attempted murder, possession of a rifle, IRA membership
Patsy O’Hara	INLA	22 March	21 May	61 days	Possession of a hand grenade
Joe McDonnell	IRA	8 May	8 July	61 days	Possession of a firearm
Martin Hurson	IRA	28 May	13 July	46 days	Attempted murder, involvement in explosions, IRA membership
Kevin Lynch	INLA	23 May	1 August	71 days	Stealing shotguns, taking part in a punishment shooting
Kieran Doherty	IRA	22 May	2 August	73 days	Possession of firearms and explosives, hijacking
Thomas McElwee	IRA	8 June	8 August	62 days	Manslaughter
Michael Devine	INLA	22 June	20 August	60 days	Theft and possession of firearms

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O primeiro Conde Mountbatten da Birmânia, tio-avô de Carlos III, foi assassinado há 44 anos

Louis Francis Albert Victor Nicholas Mountbatten, 1.º Conde Mountbatten da Birmânia (Windsor, 25 de junho de 1900 – Mullaghmore, 27 de agosto de 1979), nascido como príncipe Luís de Battenberg, foi um oficial militar britânico, tio do príncipe Filipe, Duque de Edimburgo e primo da rainha Isabel II do Reino Unido. Ele foi Supremo Comandante Aliado do Sudeste da Ásia durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Mountbatten também foi o último vice-rei da Índia e o primeiro governador-geral do independente Domínio da Índia, do qual a moderna Índia surgiu. De 1954 a 1959 foi o Primeiro Lorde do Mar, uma posição que havia sido ocupada quarenta anos antes por seu pai, Luís de Battenberg. Em seguida serviu como Chefe do Gabinete de Defesa, retirando-se em 1965.

Mountbatten, juntamente com outras três pessoas, incluindo o seu neto Nicholas, foram assassinados em 1979 pelo Exército Republicano Irlandês, que colocou uma bomba no seu barco de pesca, o Shadow V.

   

  
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Michael Collins morreu há cento e um anos...

  

Michael John "Mick" Collins (em irlandês: Mícheál Seán Ó Coileáin, Cloich na Coillte, 16 de outubro de 1890 - Béal na mBláth, 22 de agosto de 1922) foi um líder revolucionário irlandês, que agiu como Ministro das Finanças da República Irlandesa, Diretor dos Serviços Secretos do Exército Republicano Irlandês (IRA) e membro da delegação irlandesa que negociou o tratado anglo-irlandês, tendo sido também Presidente do Governo Provisório da Irlanda do Sul e Comandante-Chefe do Exército Nacional. Foi uma das figuras centrais da luta irlandesa por independência no começo do século XX.

Foi assassinado no dia 22 de agosto de 1922, durante a Guerra Civil Irlandesa. Michael Collins é venerado por muitos dos partidos políticos irlandeses, mas são os membros e partidários do Fine Gael os que mantêm um particular respeito pela sua memória.

   

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O IRA renunciou à luta armada há dezoito anos

    
O Exército Republicano Irlandês, mais conhecido por sua sigla em inglês, IRA, é o nome dado a diversos grupos paramilitares irlandeses que, nos séculos XX e XXI, lutaram contra a influência britânica na ilha da Irlanda. Recorria a métodos de guerra assimétrica, sendo frequentemente acusados de terrorismo, notório principalmente por ataques à bomba e emboscadas com armas de fogo, e tinha como alvos tradicionais protestantes, políticos unionistas e representantes do governo britânico. Na sua fundação, o IRA tinha ligações com outros grupos nacionalistas irlandeses e eram o braço político do partido Sinn Fein ("Nós Próprios", em irlandês). A sua ideologia variou ao longo do tempo, abrangendo republicanismo, nacionalismo, irredentismo, unionismo irlandês e separatismo com relação a Grã-Bretanha, incluindo também sectarismo e defesa da comunidade católica da Irlanda contra a minoria protestante (que eram vistos como lealistas em relação a Inglaterra).

O IRA não era um grupo sectário e afirmava ser aberto a todos os irlandeses, mas a esmagadora maioria dos seus membros eram católicos com quase nenhum protestante servindo como "membro ativo" do grupo. O historiador Peter Hart escreveu, nos seus estudos sobre os membros do IRA, que apenas três protestantes serviram como "ativos" no movimento entre 1919 e 1921. Dos 917 membros do IRA condenados pelos britânicos durante a Guerra de Independência da Irlanda, apenas um era protestante. Embora a maioria esmagadora dos membros do IRA fossem católicos, havia de facto outras minorias (que eles chamavam de "pagãos"), como ateus e católicos não praticantes. A maioria dos soldados do IRA eram irlandeses natos, mas havia também pessoas nascidas noutras regiões do Reino Unido.

Na Irlanda do Norte, a principal função do IRA, durante os The Troubles, era defender a comunidade católica da violência sectária. Por esta razão, Peadar O'Donnell, um líder de esquerda do IRA que se opunha ao nacionalismo católico predominante dentro da organização, disse depreciativamente que "nós não temos um batalhão do IRA em Belfast, nós temos um batalhão de católicos armados". A partir de 1969, a violência sectária na Irlanda do Norte foi acentuando, com o IRA perpetrando ataques contra alvos protestantes e, principalmente, defendendo a minoria católica por lá. Esta minoria, que costumava ser maioria em todo o território irlandês, passou a encarar o catolicismo como símbolo de resistência contra a agressão britânica e como elemento comum para a reunificação da Irlanda.

Em 28 de julho de 2005 o IRA anuncia o fim da "luta armada" e a entrega de armas. O processo de entrega de armas terminou em 26 de setembro de 2005. Todo o processo de desmantelamento do armamento foi orientado pelo chefe da Comissão Internacional de Desarmamento, o general canadiano John de Chastelain. Porém, grupos de dissidentes que não aceitavam a resolução pacífica da questão política continuaram tentando realizar atentados terroristas, sem sucesso.

  

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A jornalista Veronica Guerin foi assassinada há 27 anos...

  

Veronica Guerin (Artane, 5 de julho de 1958 - Dublin, 26 de junho de 1996) foi uma jornalista irlandesa.

Começou tardiamente na profissão, depois dos 30 anos, e gostava do jornalismo de investigação. Exemplo de determinação e coragem, a sua vontade incessante por justiça fez com que pagasse com a vida a investigação a fundo sobre a máfia e o tráfico de drogas em Dublin, capital da Irlanda, durante a década de 90. Denunciou também a ligação que alguns dos mais importantes gângsteres tinham com o IRA. Sofreu um atentado e chegou a ser espancada por um dos maiores mafiosos da cidade.

Depois do seu assassinato, a população da Irlanda revoltou-se e foi para as ruas protestar, e os barões do tráfico tiveram os seus bens confiscados e foram presos. Um ano depois do acontecido, os crimes caíram em mais de 50% na Irlanda.

Veronica Guerin é considerada uma heroína na Irlanda.

Dois filmes, baseados na história de Veronica Guerin, foram realizados:

• When the Sky Falls, de 2000, com Joan Allen como "Sinead Hamilton".
• Veronica Guerin, de 2003, estrelado por Cate Blanchett como "Veronica".

A banda de metal progressivo Savatage incluiu uma canção baseada na história da jornalista no álbum The Wake of Magellan, de 1998.

O músico irlandês Christy Moore também escreveu uma canção em sua homenagem, chamada Veronica.

       

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Goodbye Bobby Sands...

Deixaram Bobby Sands morrer há quarenta e dois anos...

   

Robert Gerard "Bobby" Sands (Irish: Roibeárd Gearóid Ó Seachnasaigh; Newtownabbey, 9 March 1954 – Maze, County Down, 5 May 1981) was an Irish volunteer of the Provisional Irish Republican Army who died on hunger strike while imprisoned in HM Prison Maze.

He was the leader of the 1981 hunger strike in which Irish republican prisoners protested against the removal of Special Category Status. During his strike he was elected as a member of the British Parliament as an Anti H-Block/Armagh Political Prisoner candidate. His death resulted in a new surge of IRA recruitment and activity. International media coverage brought attention to the hunger strikers, and the republican movement in general, attracting both praise and criticism.

Sands was born into a Roman Catholic family in Abbots Cross, and lived in Doonbeg Drive, Newtownabbey, County Antrim, until 1960 when the family was forced to move to Rathcoole, Newtownabbey. His first sister, Marcella, was born in April 1955 and second sister, Bernadette, in November 1958. His parents, John and Rosaleen, had another son, John, in 1962. On leaving school, Bobby became an apprentice coach-builder until he was forced out at gunpoint by loyalists.
In June 1972, at the age of 18, Bobby moved with his family to the Twinbrook housing estate in west Belfast, and had to leave Rathcoole due to loyalist intimidation.
He married Geraldine Noade. His son, Gerard, was born 8 May 1973. Noade soon left to live in England with their son.
Sands' sister, Bernadette Sands McKevitt, is also a prominent Irish Republican. Along with her husband Michael McKevitt she helped to form the 32 County Sovereignty Movement and is accused of involvement with the Real Irish Republican Army. Sands McKevitt is opposed to the Belfast Agreement, stating that "Bobby did not die for cross-border bodies with executive powers. He did not die for nationalists to be equal British citizens within the Northern Ireland state."

    

  
IRA activity

In 1972, Sands joined the Provisional IRA. He was arrested and charged in October 1972 with possession of four handguns found in the house where he was staying. Sands was convicted in April 1973 sentenced to five years' imprisonment and released in April 1976. Upon his release from prison in 1976, he returned to his family home in West Belfast, and resumed his active role in the Provisional IRA's cause. He was charged with involvement in the October 1976 bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry. He was never convicted of this charge; the presiding judge stated that there was no evidence to support the assertion that Sands had taken part in the bombing. After the bombing, Sands and at least five others were alleged to have been involved in a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary, although Sands was not convicted due to lack of evidence. Leaving behind two of their wounded friends, Seamus Martin and Gabriel Corbett, Sands, Joe McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery tried to escape in a car, but were apprehended. Later, one of the revolvers used in the attack was found in the car in which Sands had been travelling. In 1977, prosecutors charged him with possession of the revolver from which bullets were fired at the RUC after the bombing. After his trial and conviction, Sands was sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment within HM Prison Maze, also known as Long Kesh.
Immediately after his sentence, Sands was implicated in a ruckus and spent the first 22 days "on boards" (all furniture was removed from his cell) in Crumlin Road Prison, 15 days naked, and a No. 1 starvation diet (bread and water) every 3 days.

In prison, Sands became a writer of both journalism and poetry, with work published in the Irish republican newspaper An Phoblacht. In late 1980 Sands was chosen as Officer Commanding of the Provisional IRA prisoners in Long Kesh, succeeding Brendan Hughes who was participating in the first hunger strike.
Republican prisoners organised a series of protests seeking to regain their previous Special Category Status which would free them from some ordinary prison regulations. This began with the "blanket protest" in 1976, in which the prisoners refused to wear prison uniform and wore blankets instead. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to "slop out" (i.e., empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the "dirty protest", wherein prisoners refused to wash and smeared the walls of their cells with excrement.

While in prison Sands had several letters and articles published in the Republican paper An Phoblacht (en: Republican News) under the pseudonym "Marcella". Other writings attributed to him are: Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song and One Day in My Life. Sands also wrote the lyrics of "Back Home in Derry" and "McIlhatton", which were both later recorded by Christy Moore; and he wrote "Sad Song For Susan" which was later recorded. The melody of "Back Home in Derry" was borrowed from Gordon Lightfoot's famous 1976 song "The Wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald."

   

MP

Shortly after the beginning of the strike, Frank Maguire, the Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, died suddenly of a heart attack, precipitating the April 1981 by-election.
The sudden vacancy in a seat with a nationalist majority of about five thousand was a valuable opportunity for Sands' supporters to unite the nationalist community behind their campaign. Pressure not to split the vote led other nationalist parties, notably the Social Democratic and Labour Party, to withdraw, and Sands was nominated on the label "Anti H-Block / Armagh Political Prisoner". After a highly polarised campaign, Sands narrowly won the seat on 9 April 1981, with 30,493 votes to 29,046 for the Ulster Unionist Party candidate Harry West - and also become the youngest MP at the time. However Sands died in prison less than a month afterwards, without ever having taken his seat in the Commons.
Following Sands' success, the British Government introduced the Representation of the People Act 1981 which prevents prisoners serving jail terms of more than one year in either the UK or the Republic of Ireland from being nominated as candidates in British elections. This law was introduced in order to prevent the other hunger strikers from being elected to the British parliament.

   

Hunger strike

he 1981 Irish hunger strike started with Sands refusing food on 1 March 1981. Sands decided that other prisoners should join the strike at staggered intervals in order to maximise publicity with prisoners steadily deteriorating successively over several months. The hunger strike centred on five demands:

1. The right not to wear a prison uniform;
2. The right not to do prison work;
3. The right of free association with other prisoners, and to organise educational and recreational pursuits;
4. The right to one visit, one letter and one parcel per week;
5. Full restoration of remission lost through the protest.

The significance of the hunger strike was the prisoners' aim of being declared political prisoners (or prisoners of war) as opposed to criminals. The Washington Post reported that the primary aim of the hunger strike was to generate international publicity.

Death

Sands died on 5 May 1981 in Maze prison hospital after 66 days of hunger-striking, aged 27. The original pathologist's report recorded the hunger strikers' causes of death as "self-imposed starvation", later amended to simply "starvation" after protests from the dead strikers' families. The coroner recorded verdicts of "starvation, self-imposed".
The announcement of Sands's death prompted several days of rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. A milk deliverer, Eric Guiney, and his son, Desmond, died as a result of injuries sustained when their milk float crashed after being stoned by rioters in a predominantly nationalist area of north Belfast. Over 100,000 people lined the route of Sands's funeral and he was buried in the 'New Republican Plot' alongside 76 others. Their grave is maintained and cared for by the National Graves Association, Belfast. Sands was a Member of the Westminster Parliament for 25 days, though he never took his seat or the oath.
In response to a question in the House of Commons on 5 May 1981, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said, "Mr. Sands was a convicted criminal. He chose to take his own life. It was a choice that his organisation did not allow to many of its victims".
Sands was survived by his parents, siblings, and his son, Gerard.
    

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