Há sessenta e um anos o KKK matou quatro meninas...

The 4 girls killed during the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Clockwise from top left: Addie Mae Collins (aged 14), Cynthia Wesley (aged 14), Carole Robertson (aged 14) and Denise McNair (aged 11)

The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing was a white supremacist terrorist bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, on Sunday, September 15, 1963. Four members of a local Ku Klux Klan chapter planted 19 sticks of dynamite attached to a timing device beneath the steps located on the east side of the church.

Described by Martin Luther King Jr. as "one of the most vicious and tragic crimes ever perpetrated against humanity", the explosion at the church killed four girls and injured between 14 and 22 other people.

Although the FBI had concluded in 1965 that the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing had been committed by four known Klansmen and segregationists: Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr., Herman Frank Cash, Robert Edward Chambliss, and Bobby Frank Cherry, no prosecutions were conducted until 1977, when Robert Chambliss was tried and convicted of the first-degree murder of one of the victims, 11-year-old Carol Denise McNair.

In a revival of effort by states and the federal government to prosecute cold cases from the civil rights era, the state conducted trials in the early 21st century of Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr. and Bobby Cherry, who were each convicted of four counts of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2001 and 2002, respectively. Future United States Senator Doug Jones successfully prosecuted Blanton and Cherry. Herman Cash had died in 1994, and was never charged with his alleged involvement in the bombing.

The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing marked a turning point in the United States during the civil rights movement and contributed to support for passage by Congress of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 

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In the early morning of Sunday, September 15, 1963, four members of the United Klans of America—Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr., Herman Frank Cash, Robert Edward Chambliss, and Bobby Frank Cherry—planted a minimum of 15 sticks of dynamite with a time delay under the steps of the church, close to the basement. At approximately 10:22 a.m., an anonymous man phoned the 16th Street Baptist Church. The call was answered by the acting Sunday School secretary: a 14-year-old girl named Carolyn Maull. To Maull, the anonymous caller simply said the words, "Three minutes", before terminating the call. Less than one minute later, the bomb exploded as five children were present within the basement restroom, close to the stairwell, changing into their choir robes in preparation for a sermon entitled "A Love That Forgives". According to one survivor, the explosion shook the entire building and propelled the girls' bodies through the air "like rag dolls".

The explosion blew a hole measuring seven feet (2.1 m) in diameter in the church's rear wall, and a crater five feet (1.5 m) wide and two feet (0.61 m) deep in the ladies' basement lounge, destroying the rear steps to the church and blowing a passing motorist out of his car. Several other cars parked near the site of the blast were destroyed, and windows of properties located more than two blocks from the church were also damaged. All but one of the church's stained-glass windows were destroyed in the explosion. The sole stained-glass window largely undamaged in the explosion depicted Christ leading a group of young children.

Hundreds of individuals, some of them lightly wounded, converged on the church to search the debris for survivors as police erected barricades around the church and several outraged men scuffled with police. An estimated 2,000 black people converged on the scene in the hours following the explosion. The church's pastor, the Reverend John Cross Jr., attempted to placate the crowd by loudly reciting the 23rd Psalm through a bullhorn. One individual who went to the scene to help search for survivors, Charles Vann, later recollected that he had observed a solitary white man whom he recognized as Robert Edward Chambliss (a known member of the Ku Klux Klan) standing alone and motionless at a barricade. According to Vann's later testimony, Chambliss was standing "looking down toward the church, like a firebug watching his fire".

Four girls, Addie Mae Collins (age 14, born April 18, 1949); Carol Denise McNair (age 11, born November 17, 1951); Carole Rosanond Robertson (age 14, born April 24, 1949); and Cynthia Dionne Wesley (age 14, born April 30, 1949), were killed in the attack. The explosion was so intense that one of the girls' bodies was decapitated and so badly mutilated that her body could be identified only through her clothing and a ring. Another victim was killed by a piece of mortar embedded in her skull. The pastor of the church, the Reverend John Cross, recollected in 2001 that the girls' bodies were found "stacked on top of each other, clung together". All four girls were pronounced dead on arrival at the Hillman Emergency Clinic.

Between 14 and 22 additional people were injured in the explosion, one of whom was Addie Mae's younger sister, 12-year-old Sarah Collins. She had 21 pieces of glass embedded in her face and was blinded in one eye. In her later recollections of the bombing, Collins would recall that in the moments immediately before the explosion, she had watched her sister, Addie, tying her dress sash. Another sister of Addie Mae Collins, 16-year-old Junie Collins, would later recall that shortly before the explosion, she had been sitting in the basement of the church reading the Bible and had observed Addie Mae Collins tying the dress sash of Carol Denise McNair before she returned upstairs to the ground floor of the church.

   

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Martin Luther King teve um sonho - há 61 anos...

   

"Eu Tenho um Sonho"  (em inglês: I Have a Dream) é o nome popular dado ao histórico discurso público feito pelo ativista político americano, o pastor Martin Luther King, no qual falava da necessidade de união e coexistência harmoniosa entre negros e brancos no futuro. O discurso, realizado no dia 28 de agosto de 1963 nos degraus do Lincoln Memorial em Washington, D.C. como parte da Marcha de Washington por Empregos e Liberdade, foi um momento decisivo na história do Movimento Americano pelos Direitos Civis. Feito em frente a uma plateia de mais de duzentas mil pessoas que apoiavam a causa, o discurso é considerado um dos maiores na história e foi eleito o melhor discurso norte-americano do século XX, numa pesquisa feita no ano de 1999. De acordo com o congressista John Lewis, que também fez um discurso naquele mesmo dia, como o presidente do Comité Estudantil da Não-Violência, "o Dr. King tinha o poder, a habilidade e a capacidade de transformar aqueles degraus no Lincoln Memorial num púlpito moderno. Falando daquela maneira, conseguiu educar, inspirar e informar [não apenas] as pessoas que ali estavam, mas também pessoas em todo os EUA e outras gerações que nem sequer haviam nascido".

 

Degraus do Lincoln Memorial e zona envolvente do Monumento a Washington no momento em que MLK fazia o discurso

    

A Marcha de Washington colocou mais pressão na administração do então presidente John F. Kennedy para que as questões de direitos civis fossem levadas até o Congresso, mas, com o assassinato do presidente Kennedy, mais tarde, naquele mesmo ano, foi o seu sucessor, Lyndon B. Johnson, conseguiu fazer com que o Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Ato de Direitos Civis de 1964) fosse aprovado pelo Congresso, seguido do 1965 Voting Rights Act (Ato de Direitos do Voto de 1965).

No acordar do seu discurso e da Marcha de Washington, King foi escolhido como Homem do Ano de 1963 pela revista Time. E mais tarde, em 1964, King tornou-se a pessoa mais nova a receber um prémio Nobel da Paz.

   

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"I have a dream speech"

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But 100 years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

And so we've come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a cheque. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of "Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of colour are concerned. Instead of honouring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad cheque which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we've come to cash this cheque - a cheque that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvellous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realise that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights: "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied and we will not be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama little black boys and little black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.

With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning: "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California.
But not only that.
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: "Free at last! Free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

A Batalha de Fort Wagner foi há cento e sessenta e um anos...

   

The Second Battle of Fort Wagner, also known as the Second Assault on Morris Island or the Battle of Fort Wagner, Morris Island, was fought on July 18, 1863, during the American Civil War. Union Army troops commanded by Brig. Gen. Quincy Gillmore, launched an unsuccessful assault on the Confederate fortress of Fort Wagner, which protected Morris Island, south of Charleston Harbor. The battle came one week after the First Battle of Fort Wagner.

  

Gilmore ordered his siege guns and mortars to begin a bombardment of fort on July 18 and they were joined by the naval gunfire from six monitors that pulled to within 300 yards of the fort. The bombardment lasted eight hours, but caused little damage against the sandy walls of the fort, and in all, killed only about 8 men and wounded an additional 20, as the defenders had taken cover in the bombproof shelter.

The 54th Massachusetts, an infantry regiment sometimes composed of African-American soldiers led by Colonel Robert Gould Shaw, led the Union attack at dusk. They were backed by two brigades composed of nine regiments. The first brigade was commanded by Gen. George Crockett Strong and was composed of the 54th Massachusetts, 6th Connecticut, 48th New York, 3rd New Hampshire, 76th Pennsylvania, and the 9th Maine regiments. The second brigade was commanded by Col. Haldimand S. Putnam of the 7th New Hampshire as acting brigade commander. His brigade consisted of the 7th New Hampshire, 62nd Ohio, 67th Ohio, and the 100th New York regiments. A third brigade under Gen. Stevenson was in reserve, with General Truman Seymour commanding on the field, but did not enter action.

The assault began at 7:45 p.m. and was conducted in three movements. The 54th Massachusetts attacked to the west upon the curtain of Wagner, with the remainder of Gen. Strong's brigade and Col. Putnam's brigade attacking the seaward salient on the south face. As the assault commenced and bombardment subsided, the men of the 1st South Carolina Artillery, Charleston Battalion, and 51st North Carolina Infantry took their positions. The 31st North Carolina, which had been completely captured during the battle of Roanoke Island and later exchanged, remained in the bombproof shelter and did not take its position in the southeast bastion. When the 54th Massachusetts reached about 150 yards from the fort, the defenders opened up with cannon and small arms, tearing through their ranks. The 51st North Carolina delivered a direct fire into them, as the Charleston Battalion fired into their left. The 54th managed to reach the parapet, but after a fierce struggle, including hand-to-hand combat, they were forced back. The 6th Connecticut continued the assault at the weakest point, the southeast, where the 31st had failed to take its position. General Taliaferro quickly rounded up some soldiers to take the position, while the 51st North Carolina and Charleston Battalion fired obliquely into the assailants. Behind the 6th Connecticut, the 48th New York also successfully reached the slopes of the bastion. The remainder of Strong's brigade did not reach that far, as three of the defending howitzers were now in action and firing canister into their flanks, bringing them to a halt. Colonel Putnam quickly brought up his brigade, but only about 100 or 200 men from the 62nd and 67th Ohio reached the bastion. The Confederates attempted to counter-attack twice, but were beaten back after having the officers leading the charge shot down. As the Union assault continued to crumble, due to lack of reinforcements from General Stevenson, Taliaferro was reinforced by the 32nd Georgia Infantry, which had been transported to the island by Brigadier General Johnson Hagood. The fresh troops swept over the bastion, killing and capturing the rest of the Union troops that remained.

By 10 p.m. the bloody struggle had concluded with heavy losses. Gen. George Crockett Strong was mortally wounded in the thigh by grape shot while trying to rally his men. Col. Haldimand S. Putnam was shot in the head and killed in the salient while giving the order to withdraw. Col. John Lyman Chatfield of the 6th Connecticut was mortally wounded. The 54th Massachusetts's colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, was killed upon the parapet early in the action. Some confederate reports claim his body was pierced seven times, with the fatal wound a rifle bullet to his chest.

   

In all, 1,515 Union soldiers were killed, captured, or wounded in the assault of July 18, although this number has never been accurately ascertained. Gen. Hagood, the commander of Fort Wagner on the morning of July 19, stated in his report to Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard that he buried 800 bodies in mass graves in front of Wagner. Only 315 men were left from the 54th after the battle. Thirty were killed in action, including Col. Shaw and Captains Russel and Simpkins, and buried together in a single grave. Twenty-four later died of wounds, fifteen were captured, and fifty-two were reported missing after the battle and never seen again. The men of the 54th Massachusetts were hailed for their valor. William Carney, an African-American sergeant with the 54th, is considered the first black recipient of the Medal of Honor for his actions that day in recovering and returning the unit's U.S. Flag to Union lines. Their conduct improved the reputation of African Americans as soldiers, leading to greater Union recruitment of African-Americans, which strengthened the Northern states' numerical advantage. Confederate casualties numbered 174.

The fort was reinforced by Brig. Gen. Johnson Hagood's brigade shortly after the assault had ended. The garrison of Fort Wagner was then changed during the night, and Gen. Hagood assumed command. He was relieved by Col. Laurence M. Keitt, who commanded the fort until it was abandoned on September 7. Gen Hagood wrote a book titled Memoirs of the War of Secession, in which he states that the constant bombardment from the Union guns had unearthed such large numbers of the Union dead buried after the assault of July 18, and the air was so sickening with the smell of death, that one could no longer stand to be in the fort. The constant bombardment caused Confederate soldiers who were killed during the siege to be buried in the walls of Wagner, and they were also constantly being unearthed. Following the Union repulse, engineers besieged the fort. The Confederates abandoned the fort on September 7, 1863, after resisting 60 days of shelling, it having been deemed untenable because of the damage from constant bombardment, lack of provisions, and the close proximity of the Union siege trenches to Wagner.

A depiction of the battle is the climax of the 1989 film Glory.

         

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Os negros e as mulheres dos Estados Unidos da América passaram a ter direitos plenos há sessenta anos...!

 

 

A Lei de Direitos Civis de 1964 foi decretada em 2 de julho de 1964 com o objetivo de melhorar a qualidade de vida da população afro-americana e feminina, por causa do movimento dos direitos civis. A lei também pôs fim às segregações raciais em locais públicos e privados, permitindo aos cidadãos negros frequentar os mesmos ambientes e gozar dos mesmos direitos legais que os brancos - Martin Luther King foi quem conseguiu que essa lei fosse criada, em benefício dos negros e mulheres do país.

      

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Josephine Baker nasceu há 118 anos...

   

Josephine Baker, nome artístico de Freda Josephine McDonald, (Saint Louis, 3 de junho de 1906 - Paris, 12 de abril de 1975) foi uma célebre cantora e dançarina norte-americana, naturalizada francesa em 1937, e conhecida pelas alcunhas de Vénus Negra, Pérola Negra e ainda Deusa Crioula.

Vedeta do teatro de revista francês, Josephine Baker é geralmente considerada como a primeira grande estrela negra das artes cénicas.

    

 

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Os três quartos de hora mais fantásticos da história do Atletismo foram há 89 anos

            

James Cleveland "Jesse" Owens (Oakville, Alabama, September 12, 1913 – Tucson, Arizona, March 31, 1980) was an American track and field athlete and four-time Olympic gold medalist.

Owens specialized in the sprints and the long jump and was recognized in his lifetime as "perhaps the greatest and most famous athlete in track and field history". His achievement of setting three world records and tying another in less than an hour at the 1935 Big Ten track meet has been called "the greatest 45 minutes ever in sport" and has never been equaled. At the 1936 Summer Olympics in Berlin, Germany, Owens won international fame with four gold medals: 100 meters, 200 meters, long jump, and 4x100 meter relay. He was the most successful athlete at the games and as such has been credited with "single-handedly crush[ing] Hitler's myth of Aryan supremacy."

The Jesse Owens Award, USA Track and Field's highest accolade for the year's best track and field athlete, is named after him, and he was ranked by ESPN as the sixth greatest North American athlete of the twentieth century and the highest-ranked in his sport.

    

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Owens's greatest achievement came in a span of 45 minutes on May 25, 1935, during the Big Ten meet at Ferry Field in Ann Arbor, Michigan, where he set three world records and tied a fourth. He equaled the world record for the 100 yard dash (9.4 seconds); and set world records in the long jump (26 ft 8 ¹⁄₄ in or 8.13 m, a world record that would last 25 years); 220-yard (201.2 m) sprint (20.3 seconds); and 220-yard (201.2 m) low hurdles (22.6 seconds, becoming the first to break 23 seconds). In 2005, University of Central Florida professor of sports history Richard C. Crepeau chose these wins on one day as the most impressive athletic achievement since 1850. 

  

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Malcolm X nasceu há 99 anos

     

Al Hajj Malik Al-Habazz, mais conhecido como Malcolm X (originalmente registado com o nome de Malcolm Little, Omaha, Nebraska, 19 de maio de 1925 - Nova Iorque, 21 de fevereiro de 1965), foi um dos maiores defensores dos direitos dos negros nos Estados Unidos. Fundou a Organização para a Unidade Afro-Americana, de inspiração socialista. Ele era um defensor dos direitos dos afro-americanos, um homem que conseguiu mobilizar os brancos americanos sobre seus crimes cometidos contra os negros. É descrito frequentemente como um dos mais importantes e mais influentes negros da história. Em 1998, a influente revista Time nomeou a Autobiografia de Malcolm X um dos 10 livros não ficcionais mais importantes do século XX.

      

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Josephine Baker morreu há 49 anos...

   
Josephine Baker, nome artístico de Freda Josephine McDonald, (Saint Louis, 3 de junho de 1906 - Paris, 12 de abril de 1975) foi uma célebre cantora e dançarina norte-americana, naturalizada francesa em 1937, e conhecida pelas alcunhas de Vénus Negra, Pérola Negra e ainda Deusa Crioula.

Vedeta do teatro de revista francês, Josephine Baker é geralmente considerada como a primeira grande estrela negra das artes cénicas.

  

  
 

 

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Martin Luther King foi assassinado há cinquenta e seis anos...

    

Martin Luther King Jr. (Atlanta, 15 de janeiro de 1929 - Memphis, 4 de abril de 1968) foi um pastor protestante e ativista político dos Estados Unidos. Tornou-se um dos mais importantes líderes do movimento dos direitos civis dos negros nos Estados Unidos, e no mundo, com uma campanha de não violência e de amor ao próximo.

Um pastor batista, King tornou-se um ativista dos direitos civis no início de sua carreira. Ele liderou em 1955 o boicote aos autocarros de Montgomery e ajudou a fundar a Conferência da Liderança Cristã do Sul (SCLC), em 1957, servindo como o seu primeiro presidente. Os seus esforços levaram à Marcha sobre Washington de 1963, onde ele fez o seu famoso discurso "I Have a Dream".

Em 14 de outubro de 1964 King recebeu o Prémio Nobel da Paz pelo o combate à desigualdade racial através da não violência. Nos próximos anos que antecederam a sua morte, ele expandiu seu foco para incluir a pobreza e a Guerra do Vietname, com um discurso de 1967 intitulado "Além do Vietname".

King foi assassinado em 4 de abril de 1968, em Memphis, Tennessee. Ele recebeu, postumamente, a Medalha Presidencial da Liberdade, em 1977, e a Medalha de Ouro do Congresso, em 2004; o Dia de Martin Luther King, Jr. foi estabelecido como feriado federal dos Estados Unidos em 1986. Centenas de ruas nos EUA também foram renomeadas em sua homenagem.

      

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Assassinato

Martin Luther King era odiado por muitos segregacionistas do sul, o que culminou no seu assassinato, no dia 4 de abril de 1968, momentos antes de uma marcha, num hotel da cidade de Memphis. James Earl Ray confessou o crime, mas, anos depois, repudiou a sua confissão. Encontra-se sepultado no Centro Martin Luther King Jr., Atlanta, Fulton County, Geórgia nos Estados Unidos. A viúva de King, Coretta Scott King, em conjunto com o resto da família do líder, venceu um processo civil contra Loyd Jowers, um homem que armou um escândalo ao dizer que lhe tinham oferecido 100.000 dólares pelo assassinato de King.

    

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Jesse Owens morreu há quarenta e quatro anos...

     

James Cleveland "Jesse" Owens (Oakville, 12 de setembro de 1913  - Tucson, 31 de março de 1980) foi um atleta e líder civil norte-americano que participou nos Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 1936, em Berlim, Alemanha, onde se tornou conhecido mundialmente ao ganhar quatro medalhas de ouro, nas corridas dos 100 e 200 metros, no salto em comprimento e nas estafetas de 4 x 100 metros, para grande azar dos nazis. Em 2012, foi imortalizado no IAAF Hall of Fame, criado no mesmo ano, como parte das celebrações pelo centenário da Associação Internacional de Federações de Atletismo (IAAF).

      

         

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Malcolm X foi assassinado há 59 anos

         

Al Hajj Malik Al-Shabazz, mais conhecido como Malcolm X (originalmente registado como Malcolm Little; Omaha, 19 de maio de 1925 - Nova Iorque, 21 de fevereiro de 1965), foi um dos maiores defensores dos direitos dos negros nos Estados Unidos. Fundou a Organização para a Unidade Afro-Americana, de inspiração socialista. Ele era um defensor dos direitos dos afro-americanos, um homem que conseguiu mobilizar os brancos americanos sobre seus crimes cometidos contra os negros. Em 1998, a influente revista Time nomeou a Autobiografia de Malcolm X um dos 10 livros não fictícios mais importantes do século XX.

        

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Viagem a Meca e morte

Patrocinado pela sua meia-irmã Ella, Malcolm viajou a Meca com o objetivo de conhecer melhor o Islão. Agora admitia que Elijah Muhammad havia deturpado esta religião nos Estados Unidos. Ao voltar de sua viagem, estava para iniciar uma nova fase em sua vida. Numa entrevista coletiva, perguntaram-lhe: “Você ainda acredita que os brancos são demónios?” E ele respondeu: “Os brancos são seres humanos na medida em que isto for confirmado pelas suas atitudes em relação aos negros”.

Movido pelas suas novas ideias, Malcolm fundou a Organização da Unidade Afro-Americana: grupo não religioso e não sectário e criado para unir os afro-americanos. Contudo, em 21 de fevereiro de 1965, na sede da sua organização, Malcolm foi atingido por 16 tiros de balas de calibre 38 e 45, com a maioria deles a atingi-lo no coração. Malcolm foi assassinado – com apenas 39 anos – em frente da sua esposa Betty, que estava grávida, e das suas quatro filhas, por três membros da Nação do Islão. Escreveu MS Handler: “Balas fatais acabaram com a carreira de Malcolm X antes que ele tivesse tempo para desenvolver as suas novas ideias”.

        

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Martin Luther King nasceu há noventa e cinco anos...

 

Martin Luther King Jr. (Atlanta, 15 de janeiro de 1929 - Memphis, 4 de abril de 1968) foi um pastorprotestante e ativista político norte-americano. Tornou-se um dos mais importantes líderes do movimento dos direitos civis dos negros nos Estados Unidos, e no mundo, com uma campanha de não violência e de amor ao próximo.

Um pastor batista, King tornou-se um ativista dos direitos civis no início de sua carreira. Ele liderou, em 1955, o boicote aos autocarros de Montgomery e ajudou a fundar a Conferência da Liderança Cristã do Sul (SCLC), em 1957, servindo como o seu primeiro presidente. Os seus esforços levaram à Marcha sobre Washington de 1963, onde ele fez o seu discurso "I Have a Dream".

Em 14 de outubro de 1964 King recebeu o Prémio Nobel da Paz, pelo o combate à desigualdade racial através da não violência. Nos anos que antecederam a sua morte, expandiu o seu foco de luta e debate para incluir a pobreza e a Guerra do Vietname, perdendo muitos dos seus aliados liberais com um discurso de 1967, intitulado "Além do Vietname".

King foi assassinado a 4 de abril de 1968, em Memphis, Tennessee. Ele recebeu, postumamente, a Medalha Presidencial da Liberdade, em 1977, e Medalha de Ouro do Congresso, em 2004; o Dia de Martin Luther King, Jr. foi estabelecido como um feriado federal dos Estados Unidos em 1986. Centenas de ruas nos EUA também foram renomeadas em sua homenagem.

   

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Em 1986 foi estabelecido um feriado nacional nos Estados Unidos para homenagear Martin Luther King, o chamado Dia de Martin Luther King - sempre na terceira segunda-feira do mês de janeiro, data próxima do aniversário de King. Em 1993, pela primeira vez, o feriado foi cumprido por todos os estados do país.

       

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Há sessenta anos um ataque terrorista de supremacistas brancos matou quatro meninas

The four girls killed during the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Clockwise from top left: Addie Mae Collins (aged 14), Cynthia Wesley (aged 14), Carole Robertson (aged 14) and Denise McNair (aged 11)

The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing was a white supremacist terrorist bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, on Sunday, September 15, 1963. Four members of a local Ku Klux Klan chapter planted 19 sticks of dynamite attached to a timing device beneath the steps located on the east side of the church.

Described by Martin Luther King Jr. as "one of the most vicious and tragic crimes ever perpetrated against humanity", the explosion at the church killed four girls and injured between 14 and 22 other people.

Although the FBI had concluded in 1965 that the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing had been committed by four known Klansmen and segregationists: Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr., Herman Frank Cash, Robert Edward Chambliss, and Bobby Frank Cherry, no prosecutions were conducted until 1977, when Robert Chambliss was tried and convicted of the first-degree murder of one of the victims, 11-year-old Carol Denise McNair.

In a revival of effort by states and the federal government to prosecute cold cases from the civil rights era, the state conducted trials in the early 21st century of Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr. and Bobby Cherry, who were each convicted of four counts of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2001 and 2002, respectively. Future United States Senator Doug Jones successfully prosecuted Blanton and Cherry. Herman Cash had died in 1994, and was never charged with his alleged involvement in the bombing.

The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing marked a turning point in the United States during the civil rights movement and contributed to support for passage by Congress of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 

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In the early morning of Sunday, September 15, 1963, four members of the United Klans of America—Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr., Herman Frank Cash, Robert Edward Chambliss, and Bobby Frank Cherry—planted a minimum of 15 sticks of dynamite with a time delay under the steps of the church, close to the basement. At approximately 10:22 a.m., an anonymous man phoned the 16th Street Baptist Church. The call was answered by the acting Sunday School secretary: a 14-year-old girl named Carolyn Maull. To Maull, the anonymous caller simply said the words, "Three minutes", before terminating the call. Less than one minute later, the bomb exploded as five children were present within the basement restroom, close to the stairwell, changing into their choir robes in preparation for a sermon entitled "A Love That Forgives". According to one survivor, the explosion shook the entire building and propelled the girls' bodies through the air "like rag dolls".

The explosion blew a hole measuring seven feet (2.1 m) in diameter in the church's rear wall, and a crater five feet (1.5 m) wide and two feet (0.61 m) deep in the ladies' basement lounge, destroying the rear steps to the church and blowing a passing motorist out of his car. Several other cars parked near the site of the blast were destroyed, and windows of properties located more than two blocks from the church were also damaged. All but one of the church's stained-glass windows were destroyed in the explosion. The sole stained-glass window largely undamaged in the explosion depicted Christ leading a group of young children.

Hundreds of individuals, some of them lightly wounded, converged on the church to search the debris for survivors as police erected barricades around the church and several outraged men scuffled with police. An estimated 2,000 black people converged on the scene in the hours following the explosion. The church's pastor, the Reverend John Cross Jr., attempted to placate the crowd by loudly reciting the 23rd Psalm through a bullhorn. One individual who went to the scene to help search for survivors, Charles Vann, later recollected that he had observed a solitary white man whom he recognized as Robert Edward Chambliss (a known member of the Ku Klux Klan) standing alone and motionless at a barricade. According to Vann's later testimony, Chambliss was standing "looking down toward the church, like a firebug watching his fire".

Four girls, Addie Mae Collins (age 14, born April 18, 1949); Carol Denise McNair (age 11, born November 17, 1951); Carole Rosanond Robertson (age 14, born April 24, 1949); and Cynthia Dionne Wesley (age 14, born April 30, 1949), were killed in the attack. The explosion was so intense that one of the girls' bodies was decapitated and so badly mutilated that her body could be identified only through her clothing and a ring. Another victim was killed by a piece of mortar embedded in her skull. The pastor of the church, the Reverend John Cross, recollected in 2001 that the girls' bodies were found "stacked on top of each other, clung together". All four girls were pronounced dead on arrival at the Hillman Emergency Clinic.

Between 14 and 22 additional people were injured in the explosion, one of whom was Addie Mae's younger sister, 12-year-old Sarah Collins. She had 21 pieces of glass embedded in her face and was blinded in one eye. In her later recollections of the bombing, Collins would recall that in the moments immediately before the explosion, she had watched her sister, Addie, tying her dress sash. Another sister of Addie Mae Collins, 16-year-old Junie Collins, would later recall that shortly before the explosion, she had been sitting in the basement of the church reading the Bible and had observed Addie Mae Collins tying the dress sash of Carol Denise McNair before she returned upstairs to the ground floor of the church.

  

Media and memorials  

  

Music

• The song "Birmingham Sunday" is directly inspired by the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Written in 1964 by Richard Fariña and recorded by Fariña's sister-in-law, Joan Baez, the song was included on Baez's 1964 album Joan Baez/5. The song would also be covered by Rhiannon Giddens, and is included on her 2017 album Freedom Highway.
• Nina Simone's 1964 civil rights anthem "Mississippi Goddam" is in part inspired by the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. The lyric "Alabama's got me so upset" is referring to this incident.
• The 1964 album track upon jazz musician John Coltrane's album Live at Birdland includes the track "Alabama". This song was written as a direct musical tribute to the victims of the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing.
• African-American composer Adolphus Hailstork's 1982 work for wind ensemble titled American Guernica was composed in memory of the victims of the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing.

  

Film

• A 1997 documentary, 4 Little Girls, focuses exclusively upon the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Directed by Spike Lee, this documentary includes interviews with family and friends of the victims and received an Academy Award nomination for Best Documentary.
• 2002 docudrama, Sins of the Father, directly focuses upon the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Directed by Robert Dornhelm, the film casts Richard Jenkins as Bobby Cherry and Bruce McFee as Robert Chambliss.
• The 2014 American historical drama, Selma, which focuses upon the 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches, also includes a scene depicting the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. This film was directed by Ava DuVernay.  

  

Television

• The 1993 documentary, Angels of Change, focuses upon both the events leading to the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing and its aftermath. This documentary was produced by Birmingham-based TV station WVTM-TV and subsequently received a Peabody Award.
• The History Channel has broadcast a documentary entitled Remembering the Birmingham Church Bombing. Broadcast to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the bombing, this documentary includes interviews with the Head of Education at the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute.

   

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Um infame e vergonhoso ataque terrorista matou quatro meninas há sessenta anos...

The four girls killed during the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. Clockwise from top left: Addie Mae Collins (aged 14), Cynthia Wesley (aged 14), Carole Robertson (aged 14) and Denise McNair (aged 11)

   
The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing was a white supremacist terrorist bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, on Sunday, September 15, 1963. Four members of a local Ku Klux Klan chapter planted 19 sticks of dynamite attached to a timing device beneath the steps located on the east side of the church.

Described by Martin Luther King Jr. as "one of the most vicious and tragic crimes ever perpetrated against humanity", the explosion at the church killed four girls and injured between 14 and 22 other people.

Although the FBI had concluded in 1965 that the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing had been committed by four known Klansmen and segregationists: Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr., Herman Frank Cash, Robert Edward Chambliss, and Bobby Frank Cherry, no prosecutions were conducted until 1977, when Robert Chambliss was tried and convicted of the first-degree murder of one of the victims, 11-year-old Carol Denise McNair.

In a revival of effort by states and the federal government to prosecute cold cases from the civil rights era, the state conducted trials in the early 21st century of Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr. and Bobby Cherry, who were each convicted of four counts of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2001 and 2002, respectively. Future United States Senator Doug Jones successfully prosecuted Blanton and Cherry. Herman Cash had died in 1994, and was never charged with his alleged involvement in the bombing.

The 16th Street Baptist Church bombing marked a turning point in the United States during the civil rights movement and contributed to support for passage by Congress of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 

  

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Free at last...

 

A Marcha de Washington colocou mais pressão na administração do então presidente John F. Kennedy para que as questões de direitos civis fossem levadas até o Congresso, mas com o assassinato do presidente Kennedy, mais tarde, naquele mesmo ano, foi o seu sucessor, Lyndon B. Johnson, conseguiu fazer com que o Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Ato de Direitos Civis de 1964) fosse aprovado pelo Congresso, seguido do 1965 Voting Rights Act (Ato de Direitos do Voto de 1965).

No acordar do seu discurso e da Marcha de Washington, King foi escolhido como Homem do Ano de 1963 pela revista Time. E mais tarde, em 1964, King tornou-se a pessoa mais nova a receber um prémio Nobel da Paz.

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"I have a dream speech"

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But 100 years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

And so we've come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a cheque. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of "Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of colour are concerned. Instead of honouring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad cheque which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we've come to cash this cheque - a cheque that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvellous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realise that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights: "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied and we will not be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama little black boys and little black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.

With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning: "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California.
But not only that.
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: "Free at last! Free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"